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The policy brief examines the Comprehensive Africa Agriculture Development Programme (CAADP), a pan-African framework designed to improve food security and environmental resilience. While international support has surged—including a $1 billion implementation fund and G8 commitments—the document highlights a critical gap in African leadership and policy capacity. It argues that without strengthening the expertise of those managing the policy process, Africa cannot fully optimise this support to achieve its target of 6% annual agricultural growth. The brief also notes that CAADP's inclusive structure provides a more legitimate and durable governance model for agricultural research and development (ARD) than previous programmes.

The policy brief examines the broad economic relationship between China and Nigeria, highlighting significant investments in oil, infrastructure, and agriculture, while identifying the banking sector as an under-developed area for future cooperation. It details existing financial links, such as the involvement of the Industrial and Commercial Bank of China (ICBC) and First Bank, and suggests that current reforms in the Nigerian banking sector create opportunities for Chinese acquisitions and investments. The author notes that while past projects were often marred by corruption, the banking sector offers a new avenue for mutual economic benefit and regional expansion.

The document argues that Zambia's mining regulatory framework, which relies on consensus and self-reporting, is inadequate for a diverse investor base. It highlights that while Chinese state-owned enterprises provide stable investment during global crises, their tendency to bypass regulators through direct ties to the presidency and their lack of adherence to international reporting standards undermine regulatory reform and accountability.

The document argues that Zimbabwe is not ready for elections due to a lack of a new constitution, financial constraints, and ongoing political instability within the Government of National Unity (GNU). It highlights that the security forces remain under Zanu-PF control and that essential reforms in media laws and human rights have not progressed, risking a return to the violence seen in 2008.

The Southern African Customs Union (SACU) faces existential threats driven by internal dissonance over revenue distribution and trade agreements. South Africa currently provides significant fiscal subsidies to Botswana, Lesotho, Namibia, and Swaziland (BLNS) through a revenue pool that is deemed unsustainable and procyclical. Tensions are further exacerbated by the interim Economic Partnership Agreements (IEPAs) signed by Botswana, Lesotho, and Swaziland, which South Africa and Namibia refuse to sign. The author argues that the dissolution of the customs union could occur if these trade differences are not resolved, potentially leading to the economic collapse of Lesotho and Swaziland. To ensure stability, the document proposes a regional development agenda and the creation of a development fund to reduce BLNS dependence on the revenue pool and preserve the common external tariff.

The document outlines the strategic outlook for the Southern African Customs Union (SACU), identifying critical drivers such as the Economic Partnership Agreement (EPA) negotiations and the stability of the revenue-sharing pool. It proposes four scenarios: 'Laduma!' (deepened integration), 'Own Goal' (fracture but continued financial support), 'Red Card' (collapse and financial withdrawal), and 'Wild Card' (deepened integration despite reduced financial transfers).

The document argues that the multilateral trading system is facing a period of impasse due to shifting global economic power and a lack of leadership from the US and EU. It suggests that the WTO's future lies in plurilateral agreements governed by a specific code of conduct to avoid marginalising poorer members. For South Africa, this shift necessitates a proactive strategy to manage stretched negotiating capacities and the formation of strategic alliances with other middle powers to protect African interests.

The document analyzes the regulatory reforms in the Nigerian banking sector and the broader scope of Chinese economic diplomacy in Nigeria, suggesting that the banking sector represents an understudied but promising area for further Sino-Nigerian cooperation.

The document argues that while the Lisbon Treaty streamlines the EU's internal bureaucracy and foreign policy apparatus, it is likely to result in Africa commanding less attention on the EU's strategic agenda. The author suggests that the EU's focus will shift toward the Western Balkans, the Middle East, and emerging powers, while its ability to provide development aid may be constrained by the Eurozone financial crisis. Consequently, the brief recommends that African leaders diversify their economic and diplomatic partnerships beyond the EU, specifically by strengthening South-South cooperation with countries such as China, India, Brazil, and Russia.

The 2010 FIFA World Cup is presented as a strategic opportunity for South Africa to counter negative international stereotypes and address internal racial tensions. While the country has benefited from infrastructure improvements, the author warns that international media are poised to highlight failures, such as ticket-selling fiascos and high costs for tourists. Internally, the event is seen as a potential catalyst for unity in a society still marked by racial cleavages and political rhetoric, suggesting that supporting the national team and honoring Nelson Mandela could help rebuild the spirit of the 1994 democratic transition.

The policy brief evaluates the African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM), a governance monitoring tool designed to foster political stability and sustainable development in Africa. The author identifies ten reasons for optimism, noting that 29 African countries have voluntarily joined the process and that the mechanism has accelerated its pace of reviews over time. While the author acknowledges that the system struggles to hold heads of state accountable for specific crises, the APRM has produced comprehensive reports that identify systemic weaknesses and has led to tangible governance gains in countries like Ghana, Rwanda, and Kenya. The brief concludes that the APRM empowers citizens through participatory assessment and promotes peer learning among states, though it requires more transparent leadership and better documentation of successes to maintain momentum.

The 2010 flight disruptions caused by the Eyjafjallajokull eruption primarily affected African countries dependent on air-transported agricultural perishables, such as flower exporters in East Africa. While bulk commodity trade via sea remained stable, the crisis highlighted the vulnerability of relying on Europe as a primary trading partner. The author argues that African nations must diversify their trade partners, specifically exploring South-South trade with emerging economies like Brazil, India, and China, to mitigate risks from future natural disasters or trade restrictions.

The document provides a comprehensive review of India's involvement in UN peacekeeping missions in Africa, from the 1960 Congo crisis to missions in the 21st century. It identifies a shift in India's motivations from Cold War-era non-alignment and anti-colonial solidarity toward a strategic desire for global recognition and a permanent seat on the UN Security Council. The author details specific missions in countries such as Angola, Somalia, and Sierra Leone, highlighting both the humanitarian successes and the operational failures or controversies encountered. It concludes that India is likely to adopt a more cost-effective, case-by-case approach to future African peacekeeping to better serve its national interests.

The document examines the 'major loophole' in the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) regarding the lack of a clear judicial mechanism to compensate Southern Sudanese communities for environmental degradation caused by oil companies. It details the adverse impacts of oil production—including water contamination, soil erosion, and mass displacement—and analyzes the overlapping and often conflicting jurisdictions of the Government of National Unity (GNU) and the Government of Southern Sudan (GoSS). The author argues that while the CPA guarantees compensation, the absence of specific environmental laws and the political nature of the National Petroleum Commission (NPC) leave victims without recourse. The paper recommends the urgent enactment of interim environmental laws and the use of existing regional judiciaries to fill the legal vacuum before the 2011 referendum.

The paper examines Chinese investment in Zambia's mining sector, noting that while Chinese firms often have poor labour and environmental records, they have rejuvenated inactive mines and maintained investment during global crises. It highlights that these issues are often systemic to the Zambian mining sector rather than exclusive to Chinese firms, and that anti-Chinese sentiment is frequently politicised by opposition leaders.

The document examines the role of defence cooperation within the IBSA (India, Brazil, South Africa) framework, specifically focusing on the IBSAMAR naval exercises. It notes that while South Africa is the weakest military power among the three, it can use these political platforms to promote its domestic arms industry, such as Denel, and engage in technical collaborations like the trilateral satellite programme to enhance maritime and border monitoring.

The paper examines infrastructure funding in Mali, specifically comparing 'traditional' donors (World Bank, European Commission) with 'non-traditional' donors (China). Using the third Bamako bridge as a case study, it argues that recipient governments evaluate aid through an investment model that balances capital costs, transaction costs, and risk profiles. The author finds that while Chinese aid is often perceived as 'tied' and carries higher long-term uncertainty, it is attractive due to low short-term risk and a 'South-South partner' identity. The study concludes that in a stable, resource-poor country like Mali, Chinese aid complements rather than substitutes for OECD aid, meaning it is less likely to undermine established good governance conditions.

The document reports on a February 2010 roundtable discussing the African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM). It highlights the mechanism's success in attracting 30 member states and producing 12 comprehensive Country Review Reports (CRRs) that diagnose governance failures. However, it identifies critical weaknesses, including a 'crisis of leadership', insufficient funding, and a lack of systematic implementation of National Programmes of Action (NPoAs). The discussion emphasizes the need for greater transparency in the Panel of Eminent Persons and more robust civil society engagement to ensure the APRM's long-term credibility and impact.

The document details Lesotho's journey through the African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM), from its 2004 accession to its 2009 heads of state review. It highlights the role of the Mixed-Member Proportional (MMP) electoral system in stabilizing the country's politics and identifies critical socio-economic challenges, including high unemployment, poverty, and dependence on South Africa. The discussion emphasizes the importance of civil society and media involvement in ensuring transparency, while noting that the APRM's primary value at this stage is 'soft'—creating space for communication and consensus on national goals rather than immediate quantifiable outcomes.

The text presents a debate over whether South Africa should intervene to weaken its currency to support manufacturing and employment or maintain a stronger currency to lower inflation and financing costs. It notes that a government task team is evaluating the efficacy of managed floating versus flexible exchange rate systems and their impacts on trade and industrial policies.