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This research paper examines the role of judicial independence within the African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM), arguing that the judiciary's contribution to good political governance is understated and marginalized in the mechanism's assessment reports.

The document analyzes the challenges of low tax bases in Africa, driven by factors such as tax avoidance by multinational corporations, over-generous fiscal incentives, and illicit capital flight. It evaluates the G-20/OECD BEPS project as a mechanism to close international tax loopholes and ensure profits are taxed where economic activity occurs. The author argues that while BEPS is a step in the right direction, African countries are under-represented in the process and must strengthen their voice through the UN Tax Committee and the African Tax Administration Forum (ATAF) to ensure outcomes are equitable.

The document examines the critical role of National Governing Councils (NGCs) as the link between political leadership and technical research in the African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM). It identifies significant inconsistencies in NGC size, composition, and legal status across participating states, which hinder the consistency and legitimacy of Country Self-Assessment Reports (CSAR). The brief argues that meaningful independence from government, clear legal mandates, and robust technical support from the APRM Secretariat are essential for the mechanism's success. It recommends that the Secretariat develop coherent guidelines and that civil society organisations (CSOs) hold governments accountable for the composition of these councils.

The document examines the governance of Ghana's oil discovery at Cape Three Points in 2007, focusing on the intersection of state management and civil society oversight. It details the legal frameworks established to manage revenues, such as the Ghana Stabilization Fund and Ghana Heritage Fund, while highlighting systemic challenges including political patronage, lack of transparency in the Ghana National Petroleum Corporation (GNPC), and the 'Dutch Disease' affecting non-oil sectors. The authors emphasize that while civil society organizations (CSOs), particularly the Civil Society Platform on Oil and Gas, have influenced policy and monitoring, they are hampered by funding shortages and technical skill gaps. The paper concludes that strengthening state-civil society cooperation is essential to ensure oil wealth supports sustainable national development rather than fueling corruption or instability.

The report details the first meeting of the NeST South Africa reference group, which aimed to unpack South Africa's approach to South-South co-operation (SSC). Key discussions focused on the need for a uniquely South African definition of development co-operation that moves beyond the narrow OECD-DAC Official Development Assistance (ODA) criteria, as much of South Africa's support—including peacekeeping and infrastructure loans—falls outside those definitions. The document identifies significant challenges, including fragmented coordination across government departments, weak monitoring and evaluation (M&E) systems, and the tension between promoting human rights and adhering to Southern principles of non-interference. It emphasizes that South Africa views itself as a 'development partner' rather than a 'donor', guided by the philosophy of 'ubuntu'.

The 2015 South African budget proposes austerity measures, including progressive tax structures and increased sin taxes, to combat a debt-to-GDP ratio that rose from 26% in 2009 to 43.9% by 2014. The author argues that these measures may be insufficient due to sluggish growth, rising interest payments that crowd out infrastructure and human capital spending, and potential budget drains from state-owned enterprises and public-sector wage disputes. The document concludes that the Treasury's target to stabilise debt at 43.7% by 2017/2018 is overly ambitious given the required primary surplus.

The document examines South Africa's role as Africa's representative in the G-20 and BRICS, arguing that its effectiveness is limited by domestic challenges and a competitive relationship with Nigeria. It traces the historical trajectory of South Africa-Nigeria relations from the anti-apartheid struggle to post-1999 democratic cooperation and subsequent diplomatic rifts. The author contends that a reinvigorated partnership between these two pivotal states is essential to avoid Africa's marginalisation in global economic governance and recommends evidence-based research and a shared developmental agenda to move beyond rivalry.

The BRICS Contingent Reserve Arrangement (CRA) is currently viewed as a symbolic initiative rather than a substantive challenger to the IMF due to its limited size and reliance on IMF-linked conditionality. Established with a $100 billion pool, the CRA provides liquidity and precautionary instruments to address short-term balance of payments pressures. However, 70% of requested funds are 'IMF-linked', requiring a conditionality-based agreement with the IMF, which the authors argue undermines the CRA's purpose as a counterweight to Western-dominated institutions. Drawing on the evolution of the Chiang Mai Initiative Multilateralization (CMIM), the document recommends that the CRA establish its own macroeconomic surveillance facility, increase commitment sizes, and reduce or eliminate the IMF-linked portion to ensure participating countries' independence.

The document examines the shifting diplomatic strategies of middle powers in a multipolar world, contrasting the approaches of the MIKTA grouping, South Africa's alignment with BRICS, and Canada's shift toward strategic consolidation with Western allies.

The document analyzes the evolution of South Africa's foreign economic policy since 1994, noting a shift from a normative, idealistic approach toward a strategy focused on non-Western relations and economic diplomacy. It identifies three main pillars of engagement: the WTO, the G-20, and BRICS. While South Africa uses these platforms to advocate for developing countries and African interests, the authors argue that the country lacks a clearly defined economic diplomacy strategy grounded in its domestic development framework. The brief highlights the BRICS New Development Bank as a key tool for African infrastructure and suggests that South Africa must improve institutional coordination and business collaboration to maximize the benefits of its international engagements.

The report documents a 2015 policy dialogue hosted by SAIIA and Oxfam to explore the dynamics of South–South Co-operation (SSC) in Africa. It examines the roles of emerging partners like China, Brazil, and India, contrasting their non-conditional approaches with traditional North–South models. The discussions highlight the tension between the need for monitoring and evaluation (M&E) to ensure accountability and the desire of Southern nations to maintain a distinct, solidarity-based framework that avoids Northern-led conditionality. Key conclusions emphasize the need for an African-led strategy to engage emerging partners and the development of a tailored M&E framework that respects national sovereignty while improving transparency.

The document analyzes how South Africa's economic and political dominance affects its relations with Southern African neighbors. It highlights a 'forked approach' where South Africa employs quiet diplomacy in political matters but is perceived as assertive and mercantilist in economic engagements. While its peacekeeping efforts are praised, the paper notes a gap between the region's expectations of South African leadership and the actual funding and capacity constraints of the South African National Defence Force.

The policy brief examines the African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM), noting that 35 of 54 African Union (AU) states have voluntarily joined. It argues against making membership mandatory, asserting that the process relies on the political will and openness of participating states to produce credible reports. The author highlights that more open societies are more likely to complete reviews and that mandatory accession would likely introduce non-credible, manipulated reviews from closed societies, thereby damaging the APRM's reputation. The brief recommends focusing on consolidating the system among committed members and addressing the APRM's financial and administrative shortcomings.

The policy brief examines Australia's struggle to balance its strategic alliance with the US and its economic reliance on China. It argues that regional forums in the Asia-Pacific are often ineffective due to competition between rival powers and differing operational preferences between Western and Asian states. The author suggests that the G-20 offers a more viable platform for middle powers like Australia to exert global influence and recommends a more independent strategic position to manage relations with rival powers.

The policy brief examines South Africa's transition from a human-rights-led foreign policy to a more pragmatic approach that views the R2P doctrine and the ICC with suspicion. It details the evolution of R2P and the ICC, the factors leading to African disillusionment—including the 2011 Libyan crisis and perceived ICC bias—and argues that South Africa must engage constructively with these mechanisms rather than rejecting them to maintain its international and continental influence.

The document examines South Africa's complex relationship with the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) framework, noting a tension between its commitment to protecting civilians and its skepticism toward military interventions that may serve as pretexts for regime change. While South Africa helped integrate R2P principles into the African Union's Constitutive Act, its actions as a UN Security Council member—particularly regarding Libya—have led to perceptions of inconsistency. The author argues that South Africa prefers a moderate approach centered on dialogue and regional solutions, constrained by limited domestic resources and a strategic desire to avoid endorsing interventions that could be applied selectively in Africa.

The document examines how the African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM) evaluates judicial independence, arguing that the process relies too heavily on formal constitutional protections rather than the actual capacity of courts to issue autonomous judgements. Through analysis of reports from Uganda, Lesotho, and Tanzania, the author identifies a gap between the 'rhetoric' of separation of powers and the 'reality' of executive interference, underfunding, and selective compliance. The paper recommends shifting the APRM's focus toward 'judicial empowerment' and integrating the broader 'legal complex'—including law societies and legal scholars—into the assessment process to better understand the systemic pressures on the rule of law.

The document argues that African regional integration remains a state-centric process, largely excluding citizens and businesses due to an information deficit and a lack of organized non-governmental constituencies. While some countries like Mauritius show successful business-government integration, most of the continent suffers from low public awareness and underdeveloped civil society organizations. The author recommends public education, high-quality research into stakeholder needs, and infrastructure upgrades to ensure that opening borders provides tangible benefits to the informal sector and private enterprise.

The document argues that while Mexico has the economic resources of an emerging power—ranking as the 11th-largest economy by purchasing power parity—it fails to project leadership globally or regionally. It identifies a lack of strategic foreign-policy vision, an inconsistent international identity as a 'bridge' between North and Central America, and a tendency to act as a 'status quo middle power' rather than a revisionist force. The author notes that Mexico's heavy dependence on the US and limited engagement in UN security issues and peacekeeping missions further hinder its potential to exercise the influence typical of emerging powers like the BRICS nations.

The statement asserts that South Africa's 'soft power' and global standing depend on its domestic adherence to constitutional principles and the rule of law. It advocates for a more effective 'economic diplomacy' based on a national consensus between the state and the private sector to leverage opportunities in the African continent and the global economy. The author emphasizes that as a small regional power, South Africa's primary interest lies in a rules-based international order and multilateralism, while cautioning against over-reliance on specific blocs like BRICS at the expense of other collaborations.