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The document is a codebook for a dataset tracking three dimensions of governmental institutions from 1816 to 2002: electoral systems (Majority-Plurality, Semi-proportional, Proportional Representation), executive forms (Presidential, Semi-presidential, Parliamentary, Military, Non-elective), and federalism (Unitary, Semi-federal, Federal). It defines the criteria for state inclusion based on Gleditsch and Ward (1999), requiring autonomous administration, recognition as a distinct entity, and a population over 250,000. The document details the methodology for classifying these systems, including the use of the Polity4 index to identify democracies (score >= 3) and the extrapolation of data to fill gaps during World Wars. A comprehensive coding scheme is provided for numerous countries, listing their institutional transitions over the specified period.

The document is a reflective account of Lynn P. Nygaard's journey through a Doctor of Education (EdD) programme. The author describes the tension between being a 'seasoned professional' in academic writing and a novice researcher, detailing challenges such as impostor syndrome, the difficulty of developing an original academic voice, and the struggle to process critical feedback. The author argues that their decision to extend their doctoral studies to focus on publishing was an act of agency to build a legitimate academic identity. Additionally, the text discusses how a combination of financial security, supervisor support, and intrinsic motivation enabled the author to complete the degree following a severe personal crisis involving their husband's critical injury.

The Strategies of Resistance Data Project (SRDP) provides a global dataset of 1,124 organizations involved in self-determination disputes between 1960 and 2005. Unlike previous datasets that focus on mass campaigns or violent actors, SRDP uses the organization as the unit of analysis to track tactical shifts. Findings indicate that nonviolent tactics are more common than violence in these movements, and organizations are more likely to switch from violence to nonviolence than vice versa.

The text introduces a research volume reviewing women's political empowerment in post-war Nepal. It situates the Nepali experience within the global United Nations Women, Peace and Security (WPS) framework, specifically UNSCR 1325. The authors highlight Nepal's milestones, such as the election of its first female President and Speaker, and the adoption of a National Action Plan on WPS. However, they note a gap in scholarly research regarding the political agency of female ex-combatants, who made up a significant portion of the Maoist People's Liberation Army. The volume aims to analyze whether increased female participation in governance and activism has led to genuine social transformation and gender equality.

The study examines the relationship between contributing and belonging in Norway, finding that the act of contributing functions as an 'admission ticket' for those experiencing ontological insecurity. Through interviews in a rural municipality, the author identifies that while non-migrants possess a taken-for-granted sense of belonging, internal and international migrants use public contributions—such as employment, language learning, and volunteering—to gain recognition. The paper argues that belonging is practiced across multiple geographical scales, with internal migrants focusing on local acceptance and international migrants seeking both local and national recognition.

The research investigates the relationship between capitalism and domestic peace, arguing that economies favorable to free enterprise reduce the risk of civil war by increasing the opportunity costs of rebellion. Using the Index of Economic Freedom and UCDP/PRIO conflict data from 1970–2005, the authors find that higher economic freedom is associated with a lower risk of conflict onset, a result that remains significant even when controlling for per capita income, institutional quality, and state repression. The study concludes that market-friendly policies do not undermine state autonomy to maintain peace, contrary to some globalization skeptics.

The research argues that civil war dynamics are best understood as dyadic interactions between governments and specific rebel groups rather than through aggregate national characteristics. Using new data on non-state actors, the authors find that militarily strong rebels tend to fight shorter wars and are more likely to achieve decisive victories or concessions. Conversely, conflicts are prolonged when rebels are militarily weak but maintain territorial control in the periphery, as they can evade government repression without being strong enough to force a settlement. The study also indicates that the availability of legal political wings for rebels shortens conflict duration, and that the likelihood of government victory decreases significantly as a conflict persists.

The document argues that mediation gatekeeping—the process of defining the 'terms of reference' for who may participate in negotiations—has systematically excluded Palestinians, either as a whole people, as a political entity (the PLO), or as a specific political group (Hamas). It examines three phases: the 1940s UN-led armistice negotiations, the 1970s US-led diplomacy, and the 2000s Quartet demands. The author contends that while exclusionary formats can simplify processes or end specific bilateral conflicts, they often fail to address the core grievances of the conflict, thereby making long-term, sustainable peace more difficult to achieve.

The document examines the iBorderCtrl project, an EU-funded initiative that developed an AI-based 'lie detector' (ADDS) to identify deceitful third-country nationals at Schengen borders. The author argues that the project is not 'just research' but is driven by the securitisation of migrants, who are framed as security threats to justify the use of high-risk, experimental technology. The thesis finds that the project operated in a weakly regulated legal space where fundamental rights were treated as barriers rather than guiding principles. It further contends that migrants are treated as 'rights-optional' test subjects due to power imbalances and a lack of thorough ethical assessments, which the author describes as a 'rushed process'.

The authors present the During-Conflict Justice (DCJ) dataset, which catalogues 2,205 justice processes across 204 internal armed conflicts in 108 countries between 1946 and 2011. The research identifies that DCJ is a common tool, appearing in over 60% of conflicts since WWII, with governments being the primary adopters (70.4%). The study finds that democratic governments are more likely to use DCJ, particularly trials, truth commissions, and reparations, compared to autocracies. Rebel groups tend to use DCJ more frequently when fighting democracies and as their own relative military strength increases. Analysis suggests that government-initiated DCJ is correlated with a reduction in battle deaths in the following year and a higher likelihood of the conflict ending in a negotiated settlement rather than a military victory.

The author argues that the existing theory of 'violent pluralism' ignores the gendered nature of political violence in Latin America. By analyzing internally displaced women's organizations in Colombia and high-profile murders of activists in Brazil, El Salvador, Honduras, and Mexico, the paper identifies a three-pronged relationship: gendered violence as an obstacle to organizing, organizing as a response to violence, and organizing as a cause of further violence. The author highlights how states often 'privatize' the deaths of women activists by framing them as domestic or criminal rather than political.

The author examines the challenges of gathering data on sexual violence in war, noting that it is often used as a political tool to demoralize enemies and reinforce masculinity. The text highlights historical examples from Nanking, Berlin, Rwanda, and Bosnia to illustrate the systemic nature of these crimes. It argues that current data collection is hindered by victim stigma, lack of uniform definitions, and poor baseline data. To move from 'overview to insight,' the author suggests that researchers must analyze how sexual violence interacts with national and gender identities, noting that victims who view themselves as 'ethnic victims' often find more social support than those who view themselves as 'female victims.'

The authors examine the causal links between climate change and armed conflict, finding a significant gap between dramatic political claims of 'climate wars' and actual empirical data. They note a paradox where global warming has accelerated while the number of ongoing conflicts has declined. The paper outlines five potential mechanisms—political instability, social fragmentation, economic instability, migration, and unintended policy consequences—through which environmental stress might indirectly influence conflict, but concludes that these effects are heavily mediated by existing state capacity and socio-political conditions.

The report analyzes the relationship between human rights NGOs and the law in Colombia, specifically regarding forced displacement between 2002 and 2012. It proposes a typology of legal mobilization: 'appropriation' (strategic use of legal resources), 'adaptation' (weaving existing goals into new legal frameworks), and 'resistance' (proposing alternative frameworks outside dominant legal norms). Through three case studies, it details how Colemad fought 'legal dispossession' of land in the Atlantic coast, how the CNMI integrated indigenous cosmovisions and 'spiritual violence' into national legislation, and how COCA shifted from standard workshops to ancestral healing practices in Putumayo to address the psychological trauma of war. The text also highlights systemic challenges for these organizations, including precarious international funding, the 'privatization of social work,' and persistent insecurity from armed actors.

The report presents findings from two survey rounds (2019 and 2021) involving over 11,000 citizens in 72 PDET municipalities. While general satisfaction with the Agreement's implementation increased from 36% in 2019 to 48% in 2021, the report identifies a 'story of contrasts.' Residents generally value the Agreement's content and specific tools like reincorporation and crop substitution, but perceive actual implementation as insufficient and unequal across subregions. Security conditions are viewed as deteriorating, and trust in ex-combatants remains very low, hindering reconciliation. The report emphasizes that tangible improvements in security, public works, and reparations are the primary drivers of satisfaction and trust in state institutions.

The document examines the hybrid logistical system developed by the British-Indian Army to conduct pacification campaigns in difficult terrains. It focuses on four key themes: the use of non-combatant manpower (coolies), the construction of strategic roads, the utilization of rivers and boats, and the deployment of various animals for transport. The author argues that the British integrated indigenous resources with imported management techniques to project power, creating a 'geo-bio power' framework that allowed them to maintain operational reach where tribal forces lacked logistical infrastructure.

The research explores how young members of the Somali diaspora, specifically those born or raised in Norway and the United States, navigate their identities and civic participation. It challenges binary views of citizenship and integration, proposing 'multi-sited embeddedness' to describe how these individuals belong to and act within multiple communities simultaneously. The study finds that civic engagement is both a result of belonging and a tool used to claim inclusion in various national and local contexts.

The paper maps the disparate research and practice of 'business-peace' interactions into five core assertions: economic engagement creating a peace dividend, local development building peace capacities, importing international norms for accountability, constraining conflict drivers, and direct corporate diplomacy. While proponents argue these activities foster stability and development, critics warn of neo-colonial exploitation, 'peacewashing', and the risk of exacerbating local inequalities. The author concludes that business contributions are often limited by the willingness of local regimes and the priority of profit over courageous ethical choices in fragile contexts.

The document is a comprehensive survey instrument used by the MAPS project in Colombia. It gathers demographic data and assesses public trust in various institutions, including the national government, the police, and the United Nations. A significant portion of the survey focuses on the 2016 peace agreement between the Colombian Government and the FARC-EP, measuring satisfaction with its content and implementation, as well as perceptions of disarmament and reintegration. It also investigates the history of violence in local communities, the role of armed groups such as the ELN and AUC, and the effectiveness of transitional justice and victim reparations. Finally, it includes experimental sections to test respondent reactions to specific policy proposals attributed to different political or social actors.

The report examines SFA in Burkina Faso, Chad, Mali, Mauritania, Niger, and Somalia since 2010, finding that billions in spending have often been ineffective or counter-productive. It identifies a 'piecemeal approach' where multiple providers with diverging interests create fragmented security forces, undermining professional standards and civilian oversight. Case studies of Mali and Somalia highlight issues such as high personnel turnover, a focus on technical skills over ethics, and the diversion of equipment to illicit markets. The authors recommend long-term, coordinated partnerships based on detailed local capacity assessments to foster cohesion rather than fragmentation.