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The research paper evaluates the impact of the IEMF (Operation ARTEMIS) in stabilizing Bunia, DRC, noting its success in restoring basic security and facilitating the return of displaced persons, while highlighting its failure to prevent atrocities outside its limited area of responsibility. It outlines three future scenarios—worst, best, and most likely—and recommends an integrated approach combining military peace-enforcement, political support for the Ituri Interim Administration (IIA), and the implementation of a Disarmament, Demobilization, and Reintegration (DDR) process to address the root causes of ethnic conflict between Hema and Lendu communities.

The document identifies the primary threats to human security in Zimbabwe as a political impasse following the March 2008 elections and a severe economic collapse. It highlights the role of state control over the Zimbabwe Electoral Commission, the impact of the Fast Track Land Resettlement Programme on political polarization, and hyperinflation exceeding 100,000% in January 2008. While noting a lack of open ethnic conflict, it observes that racial and ethnic prejudices are often mobilized for political gain during periods of turbulence.

The document serves as a comprehensive guide for the International Institute for Justice and the Rule of Law to develop its training curricula. It emphasizes the critical role of policymakers and senior officials in driving institutional change and provides a step-by-step methodology for capacity building, including needs assessments and participant selection. Additionally, it advocates for the use of immersive, simulation-based training to recreate the complexity of real-life criminal justice incidents, specifically in the context of counterterrorism.

The document proposes a comprehensive framework to analyze and overcome the stagnation of growth and development in Africa. It identifies key constraints—including climate, geography, weak governance, and conflict—and organizes a work programme around three linked areas: growth and resources, empowerment and culture, and governance and institutions. The framework emphasizes the need for a "big push" of mutually supporting actions, focusing on private sector-led growth, agricultural improvement, trade diversification, human development, and enhanced transparency in economic governance. It specifically highlights the vulnerability of African economic growth to climate change and the necessity of increasing concessional resources and aid effectiveness to support these goals.

The document analyzes the January 2013 escalation of conflict in Mali, where Islamist rebels captured the city of Konna, prompting a French military intervention. It attributes the rebel offensive to a lack of progress in negotiations and delays in the deployment of the UN-authorized African-led International Support Mission in Mali (AFISMA). While the French intervention is viewed as timely due to the Malian army's limited operational capacity, the author warns of humanitarian risks and the long-term challenge of controlling liberated areas. The briefing concludes by questioning the effectiveness of previous initiatives to strengthen African national armies and calls for a rethink of regional defense strategies.

The May 2020 local elections in Benin served as a critical gateway for the 2021 presidential polls due to a November 2019 law requiring candidates to be sponsored by at least 16 parliamentarians or mayors. Because the opposition lacks parliamentary representation, they relied on mayorships; however, the Forces Cauris pour un Bénin Emergent (FCBE) only secured an absolute majority in seven municipalities, failing to meet the 16-mayor threshold. This legal framework, combined with the government's withdrawal from the African Court on Human and Peoples’ Rights protocol and the exclusion of major opposition parties from previous polls, suggests the 2021 presidential election may occur without a viable opposition, undermining the legitimacy of the resulting government.

The briefing examines the execution of nine prisoners by firing squad in the Gambia on 26 August, noting that it ended a 27-year hiatus on capital punishment. It highlights the lack of due process, the disregard for pleas from the African Union and international bodies, and the resulting strain on relations with Senegal. The text argues that these actions represent a regression in the country's democratisation and human rights progress, particularly as the Gambia hosts the African Court of Justice but has not ratified the Second Optional Protocol to the ICCPR or the 1984 Convention against Torture.

The Institute for Security Studies (ISS) provides this manual to facilitate requests for information under the Promotion of Access to Information Act, No 2 of 2000. It identifies the Human Resources Officer as the point of contact for requests and the Company Secretary as the person responsible for processing them. The ISS maintains records required by various South African laws, including the Income Tax Act and the Basic Conditions of Employment Act, as well as personnel and third-party records. While research papers and articles are automatically available via the ISS website, other information requires a prescribed request form and may be subject to fees or denial based on the Act's grounds.

The Seven Passes Initiative in Touwsranten, South Africa, provides free after-school meals, homework support, and youth development to prevent violence. Established in 2007 to counter gang-related clashes on farms, the programme has helped eliminate local farm violence and enabled over 20 participants to attend university. Despite its success, the document notes that early violence prevention remains severely underfunded in South Africa, receiving less than 1% of combined national and provincial Department of Social Development budgets.

The briefing examines the tense pre-electoral environment in Angola, highlighting accusations of election rigging by the MPLA and the potential for social unrest driven by youth and war veterans. It notes the limited influence of SADC and the muted response of international partners like the US and EU, which are driven by strategic and economic interests, particularly oil. The document also emphasizes the need for Angola to diversify its oil-dependent economy to ensure long-term stability.

The document examines the escalating border dispute between Ethiopia and Sudan over the al-Fashaga area, noting its intersection with tensions over the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam (GERD). It highlights how internal political instability in both countries and conflicting claims over land sovereignty hinder negotiations, warning that failure to de-escalate could lead to proxy wars and further regional destabilisation.

The briefing discusses the SACP's increased cabinet representation under President Jacob Zuma, noting concerns that government roles have diluted the party's objectivity and focus on the working class. It also critiques the Auditor-General's finding that Police Minister Nathi Mthethwa was not guilty of wrongdoing despite the misuse of the South African Police Service's Secret Service Account for his private property renovations, calling for a full forensic criminal investigation.

The document examines the conflict between Ethiopia and Egypt over the proposed Great Millennium Dam, a project with a 5,250 megawatt capacity. Egypt has expressed concerns regarding its water quota and has threatened military action, while Ethiopia links Egyptian access to the site to the signing of the Cooperative Framework Agreement (CFA). The dispute is framed by the CFA, which is supported by several upper Nile Basin states but rejected by Egypt, and is further complicated by the independence of Southern Sudan.

The text analyzes the emergence of private security companies (PSCs) like Executive Outcomes (EO) in Africa, arguing that they fill a security vacuum left by the failure of the UN and regional organizations. While criticizing PSCs for lacking international mandates and potentially infringing on human rights, the authors suggest that in cases like Angola and Sierra Leone, these actors provided a 'lesser of two evils' by preventing total state collapse and facilitating peace negotiations through the seizure of key financial targets. The document concludes that the trend of privatized peace enforcement reflects broader state weakness and requires greater international vigilance and legal frameworks to curb abuses.

The briefing details the growing divide within the Congress of South African Trade Unions (COSATU) and the African National Congress (ANC), noting how ideological shifts and perceived betrayals by President Jacob Zuma have weakened the tripartite alliance. It highlights internal COSATU factionalism and the rise of rival unions like AMCU. Additionally, it reports on the 'Zumaville' project and other non-profit enterprises linked to President Zuma, which have drawn accusations of cronyism and influence trading.

The monograph explores the process of defence transformation following the Cold War, arguing that nations must move away from 'threatism' and technocratic control toward policies based on sensible objectives and democratic accountability. It emphasizes that defence thinking must grow organically from a country's own political and cultural context rather than adopting foreign models. The text identifies key challenges in this transition, including the need for cultural transformation regarding race and gender, the struggle to balance budget reductions with increasing demands, and the necessity of redefining the relationship between military and civilian power.

The document serves as a basic profile of Zimbabwe, covering its physical and demographic data, its transition to a semi-presidential consociationalist republic under a 2008 power-sharing agreement, and a history of human rights challenges including state violence and the effects of land reform.

The document assesses the African Union's (AU) counter-terrorism efforts, noting that despite the 1999 Algiers Convention and various peace support operations, terrorism has expanded across the continent. It identifies two primary gaps: the failure to treat deep-seated governance challenges and a reliance on militaristic responses over sustainable preventive measures. The author concludes that while recent AU decisions to enhance the African Standby Force are positive, the AU must prioritise non-military responses targeting poverty and marginalisation to effectively reduce insecurity.

The document discusses the impact of 'negative forces' on stability in the Great Lakes Region, particularly in the eastern Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC). While military force is often the preferred solution for groups like the Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA), the author highlights a mediation effort led by MONUC to repatriate the ADF/NALU coalition. The ADF/NALU, consisting of approximately 1,300 fighters (60% Congolese), emerged from Ugandan political and religious marginalisation and later operated from the DRC. The document argues that addressing these smaller, often 'inactive' groups is essential for regional stability, as they contribute to arms proliferation and resource exploitation despite lacking the strength to overthrow governments.

The document highlights the gap between women's high voter registration numbers and their limited representation in political leadership and skilled employment in South Africa. It calls on young people to use the 2019 elections to force gender equality onto the political agenda, noting that women remain more likely to be unemployed and are under-represented in the top leadership of the ANC, DA, and EFF.