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The capture of Kismayo by AMISOM and KDF forces is a significant victory, but the document warns that Al-Shabaab remains a relevant threat and is likely to shift toward unconventional warfare, including suicide bombings and guerrilla tactics. The security situation remains fragile due to booby traps, potential clan tensions during the formation of local authority, and the risk that Al-Shabaab will frame the KDF's involvement as an invasion to secure more arms.

Somaliland has maintained relative peace and stability since 1991 through a consensus-driven approach and effective administration, though it faces socio-economic challenges and delayed elections. Despite this, it lacks international recognition and remains in conflict with Puntland over the Sool and Sanaag regions.

The research examines how the JAS Shiroro cell has successfully expanded into Central Nigeria by blending jihadist ideology with local Fulani banditry. Led by Abubakar Saidu (alias Sadiku), the cell utilizes a flexible approach that tolerates the non-religious vices of bandits in exchange for weapons, fighters, and local knowledge. The group operates from forest camps, conducting attacks and kidnappings, while maintaining supply lines for weapons and finance from Lake Chad. The document also highlights emerging alignments with the Lakurawa group and the broader threat of coordination between various armed factions, arguing that Nigeria's counter-terrorism strategy must expand beyond the Lake Chad Basin to address these regional dynamics.

The text argues that Africa has lost its Cold War-era strategic importance, leading to a rise in regional conflicts and state fragility. It discusses a shift toward subregional security arrangements (such as ECOWAS and SADC) as African nations and donors move away from reliance on the UN. The author contends that stability requires a focus on domestic security and 'collaborative security' based on transparency and reassurance rather than collective defense, warning that supporting weak, undemocratic states to provide regional security without international oversight may have negative consequences.

This research paper examines the peace and security efforts of the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS), focusing on best practices, lessons learned, and the implementation of the African Peace and Security Architecture (APSA).

This research paper by Lala Camerer of the Institute for Security Studies evaluates the debate over whether South Africa should improve its existing anti-corruption bodies or establish a single, centralized anti-corruption agency.

The Second All Stakeholders' Conference in Zimbabwe failed to resolve fundamental disagreements between ZANU-PF and the MDC formations regarding the draft constitution, specifically concerning the powers of the presidency and security sector reform. While cosmetic amendments were approved, key constitutional issues remain contested. The process is governed by the Global Political Agreement (GPA), with the Southern African Development Community (SADC) acting as a guarantor. There are concerns that the final draft may reflect political compromises rather than popular views and that President Robert Mugabe may attempt to exert undue influence over the final outcome, potentially violating the GPA.

The briefing examines the tensions between the Congress of South African Trade Unions (Cosatu) and splinter unions such as the Association of Mineworkers and Construction Union (Amcu) and the National Transport Allied Workers Union (Natawu). It argues that the emergence of these splinter groups is driven by workers' dissatisfaction with Cosatu leaders, who are accused of being too close to political and business elites and engaging in corrupt deals. The document highlights that the blurring of lines between government, unions, and private companies undermines the ability of large unions to represent workers' interests, potentially leading to increased conflict and a threat to South Africa's democratic space.

The document outlines how South Africa can strengthen its peacebuilding engagements with the United Nations by utilizing its experience in democratic transition and African continental engagements to lead within UN structures and contribute to debates such as the 2015 UN peacebuilding review.

This research paper reviews the concept and practice of diversion for children in South Africa between 1990 and 2003, focusing on the transition from disjointed implementation to a formalised framework under the Child Justice Bill.

Following independence in 1980, Zimbabwe's land distribution was highly unbalanced, with a small minority of white commercial farmers controlling the most productive land while the majority of the black population lived on poorer soil in lower rainfall areas.

The document analyzes the conflict in the Nuba Mountains, attributing its origins to systematic marginalization of Nuba communities, inter-ethnic tensions with Baggara groups, and national political-economic deterioration. It highlights the role of the Sudanese government and the SPLM/A in orchestrating the conflict and argues for renewed international pressure on the signatories of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement to ensure its successful implementation in South Kordofan.

The Institute for Security Studies and partners hosted a workshop in October 2010 to discuss the balance between national security and the right to information, specifically focusing on the redrafted Protection of Information Bill in South Africa.

The author contends that South Africa's ethics infrastructure is ineffective due to poor compliance and a lack of enforcement, which erodes public trust and government credibility. The text identifies unregulated areas—such as private political party funding and the 'revolving door' between government and business—as key drivers of corruption. To address these, the document proposes a series of institutional reforms, including the creation of an Integrity Commissioner, the implementation of lifestyle audits, and the regulation of private funds to political parties, while emphasizing the need for public officials to internalize ethical values.

This research paper explores how stakeholders can improve trade and investment between India and Africa by increasing the involvement of the private sector, framing these relations within the context of South–South cooperation and the third India-Africa Forum Summit in October 2015.

The briefing examines the 2012 Senegalese presidential election, highlighting how electoral integrity and a neutral military prevented the violence often associated with third-term bids in West Africa. Despite President Abdoulaye Wade's attempts to secure a third term through constitutional manipulation, he received only 34.8% of the vote in the first round, while the opposition collectively secured approximately 60%. The author identifies voter dissatisfaction with systemic corruption, power failures, and social inequality as primary drivers for change, and suggests that the Senegalese experience provides a lesson for the rest of Africa on the importance of transparent electoral bodies in ensuring peaceful power transitions.

The document examines the rise of NGOs in Africa since the 1980s, driven by the perceived failure of states to provide basic services and maintain accountability. While NGOs have partnered with international agencies like the World Bank and UN to fill gaps in health and education, their increasing capacity has led to conflict with African governments. States often view autonomous NGOs as political challengers, leading to restrictive legislation in countries such as Kenya and Uganda. The author concludes that while NGOs offer a development alternative, they cannot substitute for the state's role in providing essential infrastructure and basic services.

The briefing examines the Green Climate Fund's (GCF) potential to address the lack of gender-responsiveness and the bias toward large-scale mitigation in international climate finance. It highlights the specific vulnerabilities of poor rural women in Sub-Saharan Africa and calls for the GCF to implement operational modalities that ensure equitable access to funding and gender-disaggregated data for policy making.

The death of Vice President Simon Vengesayi Muzenda on 20 September 2003 has accelerated the struggle for succession within ZANU PF, as factions compete for the vacant second-vice-presidential post to signal President Robert Mugabe's preference for a successor. Additionally, Muzenda's passing has created a power vacuum in the Masvingo province, increasing the risk of a permanent party split in that region.

The report assesses Kenya's development, noting its leadership in ICT and positive human development indicators despite low average incomes. It highlights critical barriers to progress, specifically a significant infrastructure deficit, corruption scandals, and low access to basic services compared to other lower-middle-income countries.