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The report analyzes the failure of regional integration in Central Africa, linking it to the 'personalisation of power' and the 'resource curse' (specifically oil). It argues that regional organisations like ECCAS and CEMAC are often used to enhance regime security rather than human security. The document examines case studies of collapsed personalised regimes (Zaire, CAR, Equatorial Guinea) and surviving ones (Cameroon, Gabon), while assessing the operational weaknesses of regional security architectures and the impact of oil booms on institutional governance.

The document analyzes international migration patterns within the Southern African Development Community (SADC), highlighting the roles of South Africa, Botswana, and Namibia as primary destinations. It identifies critical gaps in migration data collection and the prevalence of xenophobia as barriers to regional integration. The author discusses the evolution of the SADC Draft Protocol on Facilitation of Movement of Persons, noting that while it has reached the signing threshold for implementation, its success depends on harmonizing national laws and improving statistical data to inform policy.

The document analyzes international migration patterns within the Southern African Development Community (SADC), highlighting the roles of South Africa, Botswana, and Namibia as primary destinations. It identifies significant gaps in migration data collection and the prevalence of xenophobia as barriers to regional integration. The author discusses the evolution of the SADC Draft Protocol on Facilitation of Movement of Persons, noting that while it has reached the signing stage, its success depends on the harmonisation of national laws and the adoption of standardised data collection methods, such as both de facto and de jure census enumeration.

The briefing by Ambassador William Lacy Swing examines the role of MONUC in the Democratic Republic of Congo, highlighting the successful delivery of the country's first democratic elections since 1960. It argues that a credible process—combining legal frameworks, financial resources, and regional support—is essential for peacekeeping. The author emphasizes the need for 'sustainment strategies' over 'exit strategies' in post-electoral societies to ensure long-term stability and warns against the donor tendency to reduce support after elections. The document also notes the increasing scale and cost of 'Big Missions' and the efficiency of UN multilateral operations compared to bilateral efforts.

The briefing assesses the East Sudan Peace Agreement (ESPA) signed in October 2006 between the government of Sudan and the Eastern Front. While the agreement ended ten years of hostilities, its implementation is hindered by a lack of clear modalities, the absence of international guarantors, and significant disputes over ethnic representation. In Gedaref State, tensions are high because the Eastern Front primarily represents the Hadendowa, Rashaida, and Beni Amir, who are marginal in Gedaref's population. Fieldwork in Gedaref reveals that while 71.7% of interviewed community leaders are satisfied that the ESPA ended the conflict, many view the power-sharing arrangements as unjust and non-inclusive of the state's diverse ethnic groups, including the Shukriya and migrants from Western Sudan. The document warns that these inequities could lead to tribal polarisation or a return to armed conflict if the government does not ensure more equitable wealth and power distribution.

The document examines the history of the Western Sahara conflict, focusing on the failure of multiple peace plans proposed by the Organisation of African Unity (OAU) and the United Nations (UN). It details the divergent positions of Morocco, which seeks sovereignty or autonomy under its rule, and the Polisario Front, which demands a referendum on self-determination. The author argues that the 'winner-takes-all' nature of referendums and the strategic interests of external allies like Algeria, France, and the United States have contributed to a persistent diplomatic stalemate.

The document examines the proliferation of the private security industry in Africa, linking its growth to state weakness and the exploitation of natural resources. It analyzes the legal status of private contractors under international humanitarian law (IHL), provides case studies on domestic regulation in South Africa and Swaziland, and presents the Swiss Initiative as a model for inter-governmental cooperation to promote respect for human rights and IHL.

The paper examines the South African Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) as a model for transitional justice and peace building. It argues that while the TRC succeeded in creating a public space for debate and uncovering hidden atrocities, it struggled with conceptual ambiguities regarding 'truth', 'justice', and 'reconciliation'. The author contends that the TRC's focus on individual perpetrators and restorative justice often overlooked the structural inequalities of the apartheid system. Ultimately, the document suggests that truth commissions are insufficient on their own for sustainable peace and must be complemented by long-term societal transformation and economic reconstruction.

The document examines the 'resource curse' in Africa, focusing on how corruption in the mining and oil sectors undermines human development. It contrasts 'state-centred' theories of corruption with 'corporate corruption' and 'state capture,' where companies illicitly influence policy. The author argues that transparency initiatives like the EITI are only partial solutions and that litigation is often hindered by political will and complex international contracts. The paper concludes that combating corruption must be balanced with broader goals of social justice and environmental protection to truly benefit African citizens.

The research examines the impact of a clinic-based ART programme in Lusikisiki, specifically in the village of Ithanga. While the programme expanded the community's medical understanding of AIDS—shifting the attribution of opportunistic infections from witchcraft to the virus—it did not eliminate the deep social stigma. Many residents continued to avoid treatment or seek it in secret to avoid public shame, highlighting that medical access alone does not normalize the disease as a chronic illness.

The briefing explains the transition from a Cold War-era division of Africa among three U.S. regional commands to the creation of AFRICOM. It asserts that the new command is a response to post-9/11 security realities where instability in undeveloped countries can pose global threats. The author emphasizes that AFRICOM is a staff headquarters, not a troop headquarters, and will not establish permanent military bases. Its primary goal is to support African leadership and the African Union through a 'Civil/Military Activities Directorate' that integrates Department of Defense efforts with State Department and USAID goals to prevent crises through security sector reform and capacity building.

The 2007 elections in Sierra Leone are viewed as a critical test for the country's post-conflict reconstruction and democratic stability. While the state apparatus has seen gradual recovery since the 2002 elections, widespread poverty—with over 70 percent of the population living below the poverty line—and rampant corruption under the ruling Sierra Leone People’s Party (SLPP) have fueled popular disillusionment. The contest features three main parties: the incumbent SLPP, the All People’s Party (APC), and the newly formed People’s Movement for Democratic Change (PMDC), the latter of which has gained significant traction among unemployed youth. The National Electoral Commission (NEC) is praised for its independence, though the process remains heavily dependent on foreign donor funding. Key risks include potential military interference and the failure of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) to provide justice for war victims. The document argues that the outcome depends on whether the new leadership can move beyond elite wealth accumulation to address basic service delivery and social justice.

The document examines the long-term conflict in Sudan, focusing on the 2005 Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) as a framework for governance and peace. It details the interests of the Government of Sudan (GOS), the Sudan People’s Liberation Movement/Army (SPLM/A), and international mediators like IGAD. The paper analyzes the CPA's protocols on power-sharing, wealth-sharing, and security, while highlighting the critical role of the Disarmament, Demobilisation and Reintegration (DDR) process in post-conflict reconstruction.

The document argues that Africa's regional integration efforts have largely failed because they were based on an ideological Pan-Africanist model that prioritised politics over economics and ignored the necessity of domestic stability. The author contends that continental success is impossible without first achieving national success through bold economic reforms, the rule of law, and democratisation. While some Regional Economic Communities (RECs) like Comesa and the EAC show promise, the paper highlights systemic hurdles including overlapping memberships, weak institutional capacity, and a lack of political will to cede sovereignty. It advocates for 'developmental regionalism'—focusing on infrastructure and supply-side constraints—and an outward-looking approach that attracts foreign direct investment (FDI) and integrates Africa into the global market.

The seminar explored the tension between pan-Africanist goals of political and economic integration and the practical challenges of state sovereignty, lack of public consultation, and financial constraints. Participants debated whether to accelerate integration or first strengthen existing African Union (AU) structures, with several speakers criticizing the process as an elitist discourse driven by heads of state rather than African citizens.

This briefing from the Institute for Security Studies evaluates the fragile implementation of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) in Sudan as of May 2007. It details significant failures in security arrangements, the lack of a functioning population census, and the political tensions between the National Congress Party (NCP) and the Sudan People’s Liberation Movement (SPLM) ahead of planned national elections.

The seminar analyzed Zimbabwe's stalemate characterized by economic contraction, state repression, and a weakened opposition. Participants debated three future scenarios: continued decline under Robert Mugabe, regime change, or a mediation process aimed at establishing conditions for free and fair elections. Discussions highlighted the role of SADC and South African President Mbeki in mediation, the impact of the 'land occupation' strategy, and the necessity of military and structural reforms to achieve lasting stability.

The report examines the theft of gold and platinum group metals (PGM) in South Africa between 1999 and 2004. It highlights a significant lack of standardised reporting between the mining industry and the South African Police Service (SAPS), which hinders accurate statistical analysis. The study identifies a complex hierarchy of organised crime syndicates, ranging from local thieves to international networks, and notes that stolen metals are often smuggled abroad to markets in Asia, Europe, and the Middle East. While security technology has advanced, the report argues that internal corruption and poverty continue to drive theft. It recommends the implementation of minimum sentencing for precious metals theft and the creation of specialised courts to increase conviction rates.

The document examines Zambia's anti-money laundering efforts from 2004 to 2006, focusing on the Prohibition and Prevention of Money Laundering Act 2001 (PPMLA). It identifies a significant gap between legislation and implementation, noting that while the Bank of Zambia has issued directives and conducted inspections, other supervisory authorities like the Securities and Exchange Commission and the Pensions and Insurance Authority have not. The paper highlights the Anti-Money Laundering Investigations Unit's (AMLIU) role in prosecution and the impact of political will on corruption and money laundering cases. It also discusses the shift of money laundering activities from the banking sector to non-bank financial institutions and designated non-financial businesses and professions, such as real estate, lawyers, and accountants.

The author contends that sustainable peace and civilian protection in Africa require a differentiated strategic approach to security, linking short-term cessation of hostilities with long-term security sector transformation. Using the Darfur Peace Agreement (DPA) as a primary case study, the paper critiques 'deadline diplomacy' and the tendency of mediators to treat security arrangements as technical 'add-ons' rather than central strategic terrain. The author argues that the Abuja process failed because it forced a comprehensive political settlement on unwilling parties instead of first establishing an effective, enforceable ceasefire and civilian protection process to create the necessary political space and trust.