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The briefing examines the 2010 Cancun climate talks following the perceived disappointment of the 2009 Copenhagen summit. It argues that success in Cancun depends on building trust between developed and developing nations through the tangible delivery of pledged 'fast-start' funding, understanding stakeholder interests, and adopting a modular approach to agreements rather than requiring a total consensus on all issues simultaneously. The author emphasizes the need for inclusive dialogue and concrete deliverables in areas such as clean energy technology, REDD, and climate resilience to restore confidence in the UNFCCC process.

The briefing examines the 2010 constitutional referendum in Madagascar, arguing that the process is unilateral and designed to consolidate the power of leader Rajoelina. It highlights the lack of consensus between international actors—specifically the divide between SADC/AU and France/EU—and warns that without inclusive dialogue, institutional reform, and security sector overhaul, the country will remain trapped in a cycle of political crises.

The briefing assesses the failure of the Djibouti reconciliation process and the subsequent dysfunction of the Transitional Federal Government (TFG) under President Sheikh Sharif Sheikh Ahmed. It critiques the international community for relying on a simplistic 'moderates versus extremists' binary and a counter-terrorist framework that ignores Somali factionalism and the complexities of groups like Shabaab. The author contends that the TFG is perceived as a tool of foreign interests and is plagued by internal corruption and leadership weaknesses. The document recommends moving away from military solutions and instead engaging the broader armed opposition and all sectors of Somali society to achieve lasting peace.

The report details a seminar featuring leaders from the Dinka Ngok and Missiriya groups to discuss the conflict over the Abyie boundary. Key points of contention include differing historical border claims (1905 vs 1956), the perceived unfairness of the Permanent Court of Arbitration's ruling, and the complicating influence of oil fields and political agendas of the National Congress Party and the Sudan People Liberation Movement. Despite current tensions and fears of a 'showdown', participants agreed that traditional conflict management mechanisms could be used to resolve the dispute.

The document examines the 'double incarnation' of Libyan foreign policy under Muammar Qaddafi. From 1970 to the mid-1990s, Libya focused on pan-Arabism and frequently destabilized African nations by supporting rebel groups in Chad, Sudan, Liberia, and Sierra Leone. Since the late 1990s, Tripoli shifted toward pan-Africanism, playing a central role in the establishment of the African Union (AU) and the Community of Sahel and Saharan States (CEN-SAD). The paper details Libya's efforts to act as a peace broker, specifically in the Chad-Sudan conflict, and its use of 'chequebook diplomacy' through development aid and capital investments via companies like LAAICO and LAFICO.

The seminar, co-organized by the Institute for Security Studies and the Ethiopian International Institute for Peace and Development, highlighted Africa's vulnerability to climate change and the necessity of a united African position for the Copenhagen talks. Key discussions centered on the EU's commitment to a 30% emission reduction by 2020 and a pledge of 100 billion Euros for developing countries, as well as the need for technology transfer and financial compensation for Africa. The event also detailed the institutional framework of the African Union's common position, including the role of a ten-country committee headed by Ethiopia's Prime Minister Meles Zenawi.

The document details the conclusion of the peace process between the Government of Burundi and the Palipehutu-FNL, including the disarmament, demobilisation and reintegration (DDR) of combatants and the movement's transition into a political party. It further analyses the volatile pre-electoral environment for the 2010 polls, highlighting disputes over the electoral code, internal party divisions, and the risk of violence driven by the militarisation of youth leagues and incomplete civilian disarmament.

The document examines the intersection of environmental governance and climate change in Africa, highlighting the continent's high vulnerability due to low adaptive capacity and 'multiple stresses'. It analyzes specific case studies on land degradation and gender in Uganda, informal institutions in the Lake Victoria Basin, and renewable energy policies in Nigeria and Uganda. It further critiques the Clean Development Mechanism (CDM) from an African perspective, suggesting reforms to increase participation and sustainable development. Finally, it argues for a human rights-based approach to climate mitigation and adaptation to protect the most vulnerable populations.

The document analyses the systemic drivers of political violence in Kenya, including strong executive powers, impunity, and socioeconomic inequalities. It evaluates responses such as criminal prosecutions via the ICC or domestic tribunals, institutional reforms, and the establishment of a Truth, Justice and Reconciliation Commission to prevent future recurrence.

The document analyzes three generations of unconstitutional power shifts in Africa, from post-independence coups to modern manipulations of term limits and 'models' of military intervention. It argues that while Regional Economic Communities (RECs) like ECOWAS and SADC have the potential to mitigate these trends through sanctions and democratic protocols, their effectiveness is hindered by state sovereignty, inconsistent implementation of laws, and the influence of powerful regional leaders who support usurpers. The authors recommend that RECs focus on root causes—such as socioeconomic stagnation and weak institutions—and encourage the ratification of the AU Charter on Democracy, Elections and Governance.

The document examines the 2009 transition of power from President Marc Ravalomanana to Andry Rajoelina, framing it as part of a historical pattern of popular uprisings and governance failures in Madagascar. It details the catalysts of the crisis, including accusations of bad governance and the role of the 'urban mob' in Antananarivo, while assessing the international community's response and mediation efforts led by Joachim Chissano. The author argues that sustainable stability requires addressing root causes such as extreme poverty and the lack of credible electoral mechanisms.

The document examines the tension between formal legal systems inherited from British colonial rule and traditional customary laws in Sierra Leone, Tanzania, and Zambia. It finds that while customary justice is more accessible, faster, and more culturally relevant to local populations, it often lacks state support or formal recognition and can perpetuate discrimination against women. The brief recommends formalising the role of traditional leaders and integrating customary processes into state-sanctioned systems to create more responsive and credible justice frameworks.

The document identifies illiteracy, poverty, and the bifurcated nature of legal systems as primary barriers to justice in Sierra Leone, Tanzania, and Zambia. It highlights how these factors disproportionately affect women and rural populations, and recommends strengthening legal aid, paralegal services, and the synergy between formal and informal justice systems.

The document examines the role of prosecutors in anglophone African countries, specifically Sierra Leone, Tanzania, and Zambia. It identifies systemic issues such as the lack of professional independence due to the merging of the Attorney General and Minister of Justice roles, underfunding, and inadequate personnel. In Sierra Leone, political control is a primary concern; in Tanzania, the circumvention of detention limits is noted; and in Zambia, the lack of direct parliamentary funding makes the Director of Public Prosecution vulnerable to executive interference. The brief recommends separating political and legal offices, increasing funding, and improving police investigative capacity to reduce trial delays across all three nations.

The document examines the judicial systems of Sierra Leone, Tanzania, and Zambia, noting that while all three have constitutional guarantees of judicial independence, they suffer from executive interference, severe under-funding, and corruption. It highlights a shared colonial heritage where the executive remained dominant over the judiciary. Specific challenges include a lack of skilled personnel, outdated statutes, and the failure of customary law systems to meet modern human rights standards. The brief recommends improving judicial remuneration, increasing the number of judges, and implementing better case-tracking technology to ensure impartiality and the rule of law.

The document examines the historical and political drivers of violence in the Nuba Mountains of Sudan, specifically contrasting the conflict formation of the 1980s with the post-2005 Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) era. It argues that while resource scarcity is often cited as a cause of Sahelian conflict, the violence in the Nuba Mountains is rooted in a long history of systemic marginalisation by an Arab-Muslim dominated state hierarchy. The author details the role of the National Islamic Front (NIF) in launching a 'jihad' against the Nuba in the 1990s, involving forced Islamisation and the use of 'murahaleen' militias. The paper concludes that the CPA has failed to address Nuba demands for self-determination, leaving the region volatile ahead of the 2010 elections.

The document serves as a framework for a workshop hosted by the Institute for Security Studies (ISS) in Mombasa, Kenya, in September 2009. It argues that climate change, water scarcity, and energy deficits are critical drivers of conflict and underdevelopment in Africa. The paper highlights the Nile River Basin as a primary area of concern due to the lack of a comprehensive agreement binding all riparian states and the increasing competition for water resources among growing populations. It identifies the vulnerability of pastoralist communities to drought and the inadequacy of the African Union's response to climate change. The workshop aims to develop strategies for the joint management of water resources, assess the 'Helsinki Rules' for international water utilization, and explore the role of international actors and civil society in preventing water-related conflicts.

The speech highlights the devastating effects of climate change on water resources in Kenya and Africa, noting increased droughts and water rationing. It discusses the drivers of water scarcity, including population growth and pollution, and addresses the resulting conflicts between pastoralists and agrarian communities. Regarding transboundary waters, the speaker emphasizes the need for a fair framework in the Nile Basin, criticizing colonial-era agreements and calling for cooperation between upstream and downstream states to ensure sustainable development.

The report details a seminar on the complexities of unionisation within the South African National Defence Force (SANDF). It examines the tension between constitutional rights to freedom of association and the requirements of military discipline and national security. Key discussions focus on the adversarial relationship between the Department of Defence (DOD) and unions like SANDU, the impact of underfunding and deteriorating equipment on soldier morale, and the need for improved grievance mechanisms and a National Defence Force Service Commission to address service conditions.

The report examines the transition of Zimbabwe's government following the 2008 electoral crisis and the subsequent formation of an Inclusive Government (IG) under the Global Political Agreement (GPA). While the IG achieved early economic successes, including taming hyperinflation and securing international aid, it faced significant political deadlock. Key obstacles include the lack of security sector reform, disputes over unilateral political appointments, and disagreements over the constitution-making process. The author argues that the GPA's general nature allows ZANU-PF to maintain power centres and block reforms, suggesting that international support should be targeted toward progressive ministries to legitimise change.