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Friends of the Earth International condemns the Peruvian government for using disproportionate force, including firearms from helicopters, against environmental protesters. The statement highlights deaths and injuries in El Espinar, Bambamarca, and Celedín, and denounces the arbitrary detention of Father Marco Arana. It calls for an end to the repression and demands a statement from the multinational company Newmont regarding the violence associated with the Conga project.

The manifesto condemns the execution of AHOMAR leaders Almir Nogueira de Amorim and João Luiz Telles Penetra in June 2012, linking the violence to their opposition to the Petrobras COMPERJ petrochemical complex. It details a history of threats and previous unsolved murders of fishers and demands state protection, the reopening of a local police post, and negotiations between Petrobras and the fishing community.

The author contends that industrialised governments at Rio+20 have avoided reaffirming key 1992 Rio principles, specifically 'common but differentiated responsibility' and the 'precautionary principle'. The text further rejects the 'Green Economy' framework, arguing that it prioritizes economic mechanisms and monetary valuation over democratic participation and risks turning nature into a subject of financial speculation.

The statement emphasizes the importance of the People's Summit in Rio de Janeiro as a space for grassroots activism and solidarity among those impacted by climate, financial, and food crises. It argues that sustainability is found in solidarity and the implementation of diverse, non-patented solutions rather than in official state-led negotiations. The text highlights the need to protect local environments from corporate pollution, citing oil spill damage in Mage, and calls for the removal of corporate influence from political structures.

The briefing argues that Shell exerts significant influence over the Rio+20 process by occupying senior leadership roles in a 'complex and hermetic web' of interlinked business associations and UN-affiliated initiatives. It details Shell's presence in the International Chamber of Commerce (ICC), World Business Council for Sustainable Development (WBCSD), UN Global Compact, IPIECA, and IETA, highlighting how these entities coordinate through Business Action for Sustainable Development 2012 (BASD) to shape sustainable development policy.

The report documents how the Ugandan government's drive for foreign investment has led to large-scale land grabs for industrial agriculture, carbon credits, and oil exploration. In Kalangala, the oil palm project has caused deforestation, water contamination, and food insecurity, while displacing local populations. Similar patterns of dispossession are noted in carbon offset projects in Mt Elgon and Bukaleba, and oil exploration in Buliisa. The document argues that these trends are driven by global over-consumption and calls for a shift toward agro-ecological farming and the protection of customary land rights.

The report details a global movement of small-scale farmers and activists resisting the corporate power of agribusiness, specifically Monsanto. It highlights legal battles, moratoria, and direct actions against GM crops in Europe, India, Latin America, and Africa. The document argues that the 'green economy' and 'climate-smart agriculture' frameworks are being used to further corporate control over seeds and land through market-based mechanisms and carbon offsets, while promoting food sovereignty as a sustainable alternative.

The report details a global movement of peasants and civil society organizations resisting Monsanto's influence on agriculture. It highlights specific battles in Europe, India, Latin America, and Africa, where activists fight against GMO seeds, toxic pesticides like Roundup, and the corporate control of seed systems. The document argues that the 'green economy' and 'climate-smart agriculture' are market-driven frameworks that facilitate corporate land grabbing and the spread of biotechnology. It advocates for food sovereignty—the right of peoples to define their own food and production systems—as a sustainable path to mitigate climate change and ensure food security.

The report documents global opposition to Monsanto and other biotechnology firms, highlighting the social and environmental costs of GM crops. It details resistance movements in Europe, India, Latin America, and Africa, while critiquing the 'green economy' and 'climate-smart agriculture' as market-driven mechanisms that reinforce corporate control. The authors advocate for food sovereignty and peasant-led agroecology as the only viable paths to climate resilience and food security.

Friends of the Earth International (ATI) has issued a statement condemning a series of targeted attacks against CEIBA – Amigos de la Tierra Guatemala and the Red Nacional en Defensa de la Soberanía Alimentaria de Guatemala (REDSAG). These incidents include the theft of computer equipment from their offices on February 25 and a targeted robbery of a laptop from CEIBA communicator Óscar Gálvez. ATI argues these are not common crimes but part of an escalation of intimidation against environmentalists in the region, specifically those defending indigenous rights and opposing mining and large hydroelectric projects. ATI has formally requested the Guatemalan Ministry of the Interior to ensure the physical integrity and security of these organizations.

Friends of the Earth International denounces the violent eviction of fishing families on the Magdalena River by Colombian police, which resulted in three injuries, including a youth who lost an eye. The organization highlights the negative impact of the El Quimbo Hydroelectric Project on local livelihoods and supports the legal efforts of Asoquimbo and Censat Agua Viva to stop the project due to environmental license irregularities. It calls on the Colombian government to follow World Commission on Dams recommendations and grant a Public Environmental Hearing.

Friends of the Earth International denounces the violent removal of fishermen and farmers from a sit-in at the El Quimbo hydroelectric dam site on the Magdalena river in Colombia. The organization highlights the project's negative impact on traditional livelihoods and the Colombian government's failure to grant a Public Environmental Audience or address irregularities in the project's environmental license.

The document examines Vale's dual strategy of expanding global coal and mining operations while lobbying for lenient carbon offsetting regulations and implementing 'green' projects that the authors claim exacerbate the climate crisis. It highlights specific negative impacts in Mozambique and Brazil, and describes how Vale influences national and international climate policy to benefit its business interests.

The document examines how Vale leverages its relationship with the Brazilian government to lobby for lenient climate regulations and financial incentives for carbon offsets. It highlights the contradiction between Vale's corporate sustainability claims and its actual operations, specifically citing the Moatize coal project in Mozambique and the TKCSA steel plant in Brazil. The report characterizes these market-based mechanisms, including the Clean Development Mechanism (CDM) and REDD, as 'false solutions' that facilitate corporate profit while causing social displacement and environmental degradation.

The document examines the increasing influence of multinational corporations and business lobby groups within the UN system, particularly in the lead-up to the Rio+20 summit. It argues that this 'corporate capture' shifts the UN's focus from sustainable development and human rights toward market-based solutions that benefit the private sector. Through a series of case studies, the report highlights how initiatives like the 'Green Economy', 'Sustainable Energy for All' (SE4ALL), and the UN Global Compact facilitate 'greenwashing' and 'bluewashing', allowing companies to avoid regulation while gaining privileged access to policy-making. The authors call for a fundamental overhaul of UN decision-making processes, including the removal of business representatives from national delegations and the establishment of a legally binding framework for corporate accountability.

The document examines the growing influence of multinational corporations and business lobby groups within the UN, claiming that this 'corporate capture' shifts the focus from public interest and sustainable development toward market-based solutions that benefit the private sector. It provides case studies on the 'Green Economy' concept, the Sustainable Energy for All (SE4ALL) initiative, the Bill and Melinda Gates Foundation's role in agricultural policy via IFAD, the commodification of biodiversity in the CBD, the privatization of water policy, and the lack of accountability in the UN Global Compact. The report concludes with a set of recommendations to limit corporate influence, increase transparency, and establish legally binding corporate accountability frameworks.

The document examines the increasing influence of multinational corporations within the UN, specifically regarding the 'Green Economy', 'Sustainable Energy for All' (SE4ALL), the Convention on Biological Diversity (CBD), water policies, and the UN Global Compact. It contends that these partnerships lead to 'greenwashing' and the commodification of nature and water, while marginalizing civil society and the rights of the poor.

The report critiques the Kalimantan Forests and Climate Partnership (KFCP), a pilot REDD project funded by the Australian government. It argues that the project fails to protect indigenous rights, ignores the root causes of deforestation, and risks creating 'leakage' where emissions are simply displaced. The document highlights conflicts over land tenure among the Dayak people and criticizes the use of market-based carbon offsets as a way for developed nations like Australia to avoid reducing their own fossil fuel emissions.

The report examines the role of the International Emissions Trading Association (IETA) as a corporate lobby group that promotes carbon trading and the Clean Development Mechanism (CDM) to serve the interests of energy and mining companies. It highlights the 'revolving door' between the UK government and IETA leadership, specifically regarding Henry Derwent. The document argues that IETA's influence at UN climate conferences—where it often maintains the largest NGO delegation—promotes low-cost market options that allow developed nations to avoid deep domestic emission cuts, thereby delaying effective climate action.

The document examines the role of the International Emissions Trading Association (IETA) as a business lobby group within UN climate talks. It details IETA's efforts to scale up carbon trading and the Clean Development Mechanism (CDM) despite evidence of market failure and environmental inefficiency. The report also highlights the 'revolving door' between government officials and IETA leadership and the group's ability to maintain a massive presence at COP conferences to influence policy in favor of private sector interests.