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The document examines the disproportionate impact of climate change on African youth and their subsequent rise in activism. It highlights the gap between youth demographics and political leadership in Africa, the specific climate vulnerabilities in countries like Nigeria and Sudan, and the systemic barriers activists face, including financial constraints and state repression. The author calls for the establishment of youth councils, dedicated funding, and protection mechanisms to ensure young people can shape climate-resilient policies.

The document analyzes how climate change impacts public health in Senegal through heatwaves, floods, and droughts, while highlighting a community-led resilience project in Widou Thiéngoly.

The report identifies a disconnect between green technology programmes and youth employment policies in Africa, noting that while energy and agriculture are primary focuses, there is significant untapped potential in ICTs, indigenous knowledge, and local manufacturing to create sustainable jobs for young people.

The document examines the complex intersection of political instability, economic crisis, and energy transition in Nigeria. It highlights the tension between Nigeria's desire to leverage fossil fuels for economic diversification and the global shift by financing partners toward renewables. The author analyzes the inefficiencies of the power sector, using the Kaduna Electricity Distribution Company as a case study, and proposes three policy options for the Tinubu administration to integrate energy transition into national development. It concludes that securing international capital requires aligning domestic policies with the strict de-fossilization requirements of partners like the EU and USA, while exploring innovative support for subnational entities and traditional rulers.

The document analyzes the 'structural disjuncture' between the European Union's bilateral approach to international relations and the BRICS bloc's pursuit of an inclusive, South-South multilateral model. It argues that BRICS challenges the EU's historical hegemony in global governance, economic power, and trade policies. While the Russia-Ukraine war has further polarized the EU and BRICS, the author suggests opportunities for cooperation on the African Continental Free Trade Agreement (AfCFTA) and the energy transition.

The 2023 Zimbabwean general election is framed as a high-stakes contest between incumbent Emmerson Mnangagwa (ZANU-PF) and Nelson Chamisa (CCC), with significant implications for the country's democratic legitimacy and its ability to re-engage with Western nations. The author notes a decline in voter intention and female candidacy compared to 2018, alongside an electoral environment skewed in favor of the ruling party through control of state institutions and exclusionary financial barriers. Internationally, the election is viewed as a test of Zimbabwe's willingness to return to democratic norms, which is critical for debt clearance processes and the export of strategic minerals like lithium essential for the global energy transition.

The report examines Ghana's climate adaptation landscape, highlighting the gap between national policy and community-level implementation. It identifies specific locally led adaptation (LLA) practices—such as climate-smart agriculture and nature-based coastal solutions—and argues for the devolution of finance, integration of traditional knowledge, and clearer definitions of 'local' to enhance resilience in vulnerable communities.

The report examines the disconnect between Nigeria's top-down climate adaptation frameworks and the actual practices of frontline communities. Through case studies in Ogun, Lagos, and Anambra states, it demonstrates that community-led initiatives—such as biogas production, aquaculture modifications, and traditional erosion control—are already occurring despite limited finance and technical support. The authors argue that integrating these bottom-up strategies into national policies like the Nationally Determined Contributions (NDCs) is essential for sustained climate resilience.

The report examines climate adaptation in Senegal, finding that while locally led adaptation (LLA) is active and aligns with national goals, it is hindered by significant financing gaps and a lack of integration into central government policy and governance.

The report examines the G7 Climate Club, an intergovernmental forum aimed at achieving global net-zero emissions by mid-century. While acknowledging its goals, the author argues that the Club's structure—particularly its focus on rapid decarbonisation and potential trade restrictions—could undermine African development. Key concerns include the economic reliance of African nations on hydrocarbon exports, the high cost of transitioning to low-carbon industrial processes, and the risk of trade protectionism through mechanisms like the Carbon Border Adjustment Mechanism (CBAM). The report highlights a history of unfulfilled G7 financial pledges to Africa and recommends a co-design approach that prioritises technology transfer, climate justice, and financial support over strict carbon accounting and trade sanctions.

The author contends that while tourism in Africa has grown significantly, its developmental impact is limited by 'economic leakages' where revenue is expatriated to foreign economies. Using Zanzibar as a case study, the paper demonstrates that foreign-owned all-inclusive resorts dominate the high-end market, while locals are relegated to unskilled labor and struggle to integrate their goods into the supply chain. The document traces this trend to IMF Structural Adjustment Policies (SAPs) of the 1980s, which liberalized economies for foreign investment. To mitigate these issues, the author suggests investing in local infrastructure to meet international standards and promoting intra-African leisure tourism.

The author argues that German-African health cooperation remains shaped by colonial legacies and prioritizes European security and economic interests over African public health needs. While the German government promotes a multilateral approach and supports institutions like the WHO and Africa CDC, the author highlights a 'securitization' of health that marginalizes the poor and protects the privileged. Key tensions include the 'Triple-Win' nursing recruitment program, which may drain health systems in origin countries, and the BioNTech mRNA plant in Rwanda, which operates outside the WHO-led technology transfer hub. The paper calls for a shift toward a decolonial framework based on humility, historical justice, and a shared responsibility for global public goods, including climate-related health financing.

The paper analyzes the shift in German-African energy relations from a focus on development aid to a complex mix of energy diplomacy, foreign policy, and technical cooperation. It highlights a tension between Germany's goals for a green transition (including hydrogen partnerships) and its strategic interests in diversifying fossil fuel imports. The author critiques 'energy colonialism' and the financialization of projects, recommending that future cooperation be grounded in 'energy justice' and a value-chain approach to ensure local benefits and social standards.

The author argues that German-African health cooperation is shaped by a colonial legacy and currently prioritizes European security and economic interests over African public health needs. While Germany promotes multilateralism and human rights, the document highlights contradictions in vaccine equity, intellectual property regimes, and the recruitment of African health workers. The author calls for a transition toward a partnership based on solidarity, climate and health justice, and respect for an 'African New Public Health Order'.

The document discusses the role of the AfCFTA Investment Protocol and the proposed Pan-African Trade and Investment Agency in attracting foreign and domestic investment to Africa. It emphasizes that reducing tariffs alone is insufficient to increase intra-African trade; instead, Africa must scale up the production of complex goods through regional value chains. The author suggests that coordinating investment promotion around specific sectors, such as the automotive industry, can create agglomeration economies and attract skilled labor, providing a more feasible path for the AfCFTA Secretariat than a broad coordination of all 54 national investment agencies.

The German government's announced 'paradigm shift' in migration policy aims to transform Germany into a modern immigration country by attracting skilled workers while curbing irregular migration. However, the analysis suggests that this shift is limited in practice, as legal pathways for African migrants remain constrained by strict qualification requirements and are likely to be conditioned on increased cooperation in the repatriation of individuals without residency rights. The document highlights a contradiction between the goal of new partnerships and proposals to outsource asylum procedures to North Africa, while noting that Germany's economic need for approximately 400,000 immigrants annually drives its interest in diversifying labor sources toward Africa.

The document analyzes Germany's attempt to transition toward a modern immigration country by easing access for qualified workers, particularly from Africa, to address domestic labor shortages of approximately 400,000 immigrants per year. However, the authors argue this shift is undermined by a continued focus on 'return offensives' and the potential externalization of asylum processing. The paper highlights that structural barriers—such as strict skills recognition and limited consular capacity in countries like Ghana and Nigeria—persist, while the linking of legal pathways to readmission cooperation creates tension with West and Central African partners. It also notes a new, though potentially fragmented, focus on the nexus between climate change and migration.

The briefing examines the shift toward a feminist foreign policy in Germany, specifically through the BMZ's 2023 Africa strategy. While acknowledging progress in aligning with African priorities like Agenda 2063 and addressing structural inequalities, the author argues that the feminist approach is currently limited primarily to development cooperation. The document calls for a more comprehensive application of feminist principles to peace and security, economic policy (specifically care work), climate action (integrating indigenous knowledge), and migration to dismantle global hierarchies and post-colonial continuities.

The document analyzes Turkey's 'niche diplomacy' in Africa, focusing on its 'Ankara consensus' for development aid, its growing role as an arms exporter (particularly drones), and its trade relations. It highlights a distinction between North African and Sub-Saharan African perceptions of Turkey, noting that while Turkey is seen as a non-colonial partner, its overall trade and aid volumes remain modest compared to major global powers. The brief suggests that Turkey's influence is currently driven more by its status as a rising donor than as a primary trading partner.

The document examines Germany's transition toward a Feminist Foreign Policy (FFP) and the 2023 BMZ Africa Strategy, 'Shaping the Future with Africa'. While it acknowledges the shift toward 'respect and reciprocity' and the alignment with Africa's Agenda 2063, the author argues that the feminist approach is currently too limited to international development. The brief suggests that for FFP to be truly transformative, it must be integrated into peace and security, trade (specifically the care economy), climate change (integrating indigenous knowledge), and migration policy, while consistently tackling the structural impacts of racism and colonialism.