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WWF advocates for science-based decision-making at CITES CoP17, emphasizing the need for increased resources for the Secretariat and a primary focus on National Ivory Action Plans to combat illegal trade. The organization supports Appendix I listings for all pangolin species and various Appendix II listings for sharks, rays, and rosewoods, while opposing proposals to allow legal trade in rhino horn or ivory. WWF also supports measures to combat wildlife cybercrime, corruption, and the laundering of captive-bred specimens.

The report examines Botswana's regional diplomacy from independence to 2015, highlighting a shift from the 'quiet diplomacy' of Presidents Masire and Mogae to the more outspoken, principle-driven approach of President Ian Khama. It analyzes the institutional framework of Botswana's foreign policy, the influence of the ruling Botswana Democratic Party (BDP), and the country's pivotal role in the creation of SADC. The author argues that Botswana's foreign policy has been heavily shaped by presidential personalities and suggests the need for a structured national consensus on foreign policy interests.

The document is a call to action by cleantech entrepreneurs and supporting organisations directed at COP21. It argues that viable solutions for decarbonisation already exist but are hindered by policy influence and capital allocation favouring the fossil fuel industry. The signatories demand a global shift to 100% renewable energy by 2050, the redirection of finance away from fossil fuels, and the implementation of science-based targets and carbon pricing.

The document examines the illegal wildlife trade as a reflection of complexities in China-Africa relations, specifically focusing on the demand for rhino horn and ivory in China and the supply challenges in South Africa. It highlights the role of cultural status, traditional medicine, and corruption in driving demand, while noting that supply is fueled by poverty and a lack of sustainable economic alternatives for local communities. The brief compares the conservation and enforcement models of South Africa and Kenya, suggesting that reducing demand through public awareness and linking wildlife protection to national priorities like anti-corruption is essential for long-term success.

The research paper examines the fiscal pressures facing South Africa, highlighting high government debt, sluggish economic growth, and rising public sector costs. It details specific budget allocations for infrastructure and energy, including the Renewable Energy Independent Power Producer Programme and nuclear procurement, while framing these economic realities against the backdrop of student demands for tertiary education funding.

The document outlines a framework of six interconnected pathways—participatory toolkits, Farmer Field Schools, resource access, policy influencing, climate change response, and gender inclusion—designed to scale up the capacity of smallholder farmers and indigenous peoples to manage biodiversity for food security. It highlights the importance of farmer-managed seed systems and provides policy recommendations to enhance the rights and decision-making capacity of these groups.

The author critiques South Africa's move to replace international investor-state dispute settlement (ISDS) with state-to-state arbitration via the Promotion and Protection of Investment Bill (PPIB). While noting the failures of state-to-state arbitration—citing a dispute where Zimbabwe ignored a SADC tribunal ruling regarding South African investors—the author argues that removing ISDS deprives South African courts of the chance to learn from international best practices. The paper suggests that South Africa's robust legal system could handle most disputes locally, especially if specialised investment courts were established, and points to Indonesia's 'globalised localism' as a model for linking international law with domestic legislation.

The report, developed by the Network of Southern Think Tanks (NeST), addresses the lack of a common definition and reporting system for South-South co-operation (SSC). It distinguishes South-South development co-operation (SSDC) as a subset of SSC and argues that it is broader than the OECD-DAC's Official Development Assistance (ODA) definition. The document proposes a comprehensive set of indicators to assess the quality of partnerships across seven dimensions, including national ownership, horizontality, and transparency. It also explores methodological approaches for impact evaluation, suggesting a shift toward 'double-sided' results-based management that recognizes mutual benefits for both provider and recipient. Finally, it outlines a roadmap for NeST to establish a global statistical hub for SSC data in collaboration with UN agencies.

The paper argues that Africa's institutional crisis stems from a mismatch between Western-imported formal institutions and local socio-cultural realities, compounded by a colonial legacy of authoritarianism and neo-patrimonialism. It identifies operational failures such as weak state capacity, toxic leadership, and political apathy. Using Botswana as a positive example, the author suggests that resilient institutions require economic diversification to reduce rent-seeking, the establishment of 'embedded autonomy' for the bureaucracy, and a new generation of ethical, visionary leaders.

The briefing examines the shift in SADC's focus from trade integration to a region-wide industrialisation policy via the Industrialisation Strategy and Roadmap (ISR). It highlights significant obstacles to implementation, including the economic dominance of South Africa, the lack of alignment between national and regional policies, and the historical failure of previous trade integration efforts. The author suggests that success depends on incorporating private sector insights and developing regional value chains (RVCs) that prevent economic polarisation by ensuring smaller states benefit from hub economies' access to global markets. Specific recommendations include linking Special Economic Zones (SEZs), regionalising local content requirements, and using fiscal incentives to lower input costs for beneficiation.

The paper assesses the escalating poaching crisis of African elephants, driven by ivory demand in Asia, particularly China. It proposes a strategic framework prioritizing targeted demand reduction and reinforced anti-poaching efforts, while cautioning that domestic trade bans are only effective as complements. The author emphasizes the need for range states to coordinate the simultaneous disposal of ivory stockpiles to remove incentives for criminal syndicates and to increase the 'use value' of elephants for local communities through eco-tourism and payment for ecosystem services (PES) to prevent habitat conversion.

The document examines how La Mesa, a Salvadoran coalition, used amicus curiae submissions in the Pac Rim arbitration to bring community concerns regarding metals mining and sustainable development to an international tribunal. It highlights the importance of alliance building between local groups and international legal experts to navigate technical arbitration processes and argues that such interventions provide essential public interest context that disputing parties may omit.

The document examines the Grand Inga hydropower project in the DRC as a catalyst for energy dialogue and regional integration in Southern Africa. While the project offers immense generation potential, it faces significant hurdles including the DRC's poor infrastructure, institutional instability, and the need for massive international investment. The author argues that for Inga 3 and the broader Grand Inga scheme to succeed, South Africa and the DRC must shift from national priorities toward regional planning, engaging other SADC members and international financial institutions to secure the necessary funding and transmission networks.

The document examines the tension between South Africa's constitutional mandate to redress apartheid-induced inequalities through black economic empowerment (BEE) and its commitments under first-generation bilateral investment treaties (BITs). It analyzes the South African government's decision to terminate these treaties in favor of the Promotion and Protection of Investment Bill (PPIB), noting that this unilateral approach creates reputational risks and potential legal inconsistencies with customary international law. By comparing South Africa's experience with India and Indonesia, the author argues that emerging economies can successfully carve out policy space within the international framework rather than abandoning it. The paper concludes that South Africa should leverage its unique history to influence the development of third-generation investment agreements while maintaining the signaling power and investor certainty provided by international regimes.

The Nkangala District Municipality Air Quality Management Plan assesses air quality across six local municipalities, identifying significant pollution from industrial point sources, domestic fuel burning, and mining. It details ambient air quality exceedances for PM10, SO2, and NOx, identifies specific 'hot spots' such as eMalahleni and Middelburg, and outlines a comprehensive implementation plan to improve government capacity and reduce emissions by 2020.

The author reflects on Zambia's historical support for Southern African liberation movements and its use of a compulsory 'Civics' curriculum to pre-empt xenophobia from childhood. The text suggests that South Africa lacks a similar educational mechanism to teach citizens about the role other African countries played in its struggle, which contributes to recurring xenophobic violence. It recommends the creation of a Presidential Working Group on Xenophobia and calls for prominent African executives in South Africa to be more open about their origins to combat negative perceptions.

The document analyzes FDI inflows into the SADC region from 2003 to 2014, noting a heavy reliance on natural resources. It argues that the slump in commodity prices in 2014 necessitates a move away from 'dated ideological' policies like beneficiation toward global value chain integration and improved regional infrastructure to attract more diversified investment.

The document analyzes how South Africa's economic and political dominance affects its relations with Southern African neighbors. It highlights a 'forked approach' where South Africa employs quiet diplomacy in political matters but is perceived as assertive and mercantilist in economic engagements. While its peacekeeping efforts are praised, the paper notes a gap between the region's expectations of South African leadership and the actual funding and capacity constraints of the South African National Defence Force.

The policy brief examines South Africa's transition from a human-rights-led foreign policy to a more pragmatic approach that views the R2P doctrine and the ICC with suspicion. It details the evolution of R2P and the ICC, the factors leading to African disillusionment—including the 2011 Libyan crisis and perceived ICC bias—and argues that South Africa must engage constructively with these mechanisms rather than rejecting them to maintain its international and continental influence.

The document examines South Africa's complex relationship with the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) framework, noting a tension between its commitment to protecting civilians and its skepticism toward military interventions that may serve as pretexts for regime change. While South Africa helped integrate R2P principles into the African Union's Constitutive Act, its actions as a UN Security Council member—particularly regarding Libya—have led to perceptions of inconsistency. The author argues that South Africa prefers a moderate approach centered on dialogue and regional solutions, constrained by limited domestic resources and a strategic desire to avoid endorsing interventions that could be applied selectively in Africa.