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The document examines the crisis of marine plastic pollution, noting that while Asia is currently the most polluted continent, Africa is on track to take this title due to rapid population growth, industrialisation, and a lack of waste management capacity. It details the environmental impacts of plastic, including entanglement and ingestion by 344 and 331 marine species respectively, and the economic losses associated with tourism and material waste. The brief surveys a wide array of international treaties—such as UNCLOS, MARPOL, and the Basel Convention—and regional frameworks like the RSCAPs, arguing that policies must shift from focusing on ocean-based waste to targeting land-based sources. It highlights South Africa's legislative framework as an example of established policy that still lacks ground-level implementation, and promotes the African Marine Waste Network (AMWN) as a holistic model for research, economic incentives, and capacity building.

The document assesses the operationalisation of the SADC Regional Development Fund (RDF), arguing that while the fund aims to mobilise resources for regional integration and infrastructure, its success is hindered by the poor fiscal positions of member states and a critical lack of bankable projects. The authors highlight a significant financing gap in early-stage project preparation, noting that 69% of SADC PIDA projects remain in early development. The paper suggests that the RDF should prioritise early-stage project support over general project finance and recommends absorbing the existing SADC Project Preparation and Development Facility (PPDF) to leverage existing expertise and reduce setup costs. It also addresses the political dynamics of South Africa's economic dominance and the over-reliance on international cooperating partners (ICPs), proposing capacity-building initiatives to improve project conceptualisation and regulatory harmonisation across borders.

The document argues that while the African Charter on Democracy, Elections and Governance provides a normative framework, democratic processes in Africa have largely stagnated in a transitional phase, often trapped in an 'electoral fallacy' where regular elections occur without deep institutional consolidation. It identifies internal pressures—such as the rise of populism, election-related violence, and long-term leadership—and external pressures—including the influence of non-democratic powers like China, Russia, and Turkey, and a 'security-first' doctrine from Western actors—as primary drivers of democratic recession. Despite these challenges, the author notes positive signals such as the increasing number of charter signatories, the role of the African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM), and the effectiveness of ECOWAS in restoring democracy in specific instances. The briefing recommends limiting the concentration of power through term limits and shifting international investment toward domestic democratic processes rather than just regional frameworks.

The SADC region faces a significant electricity supply-demand gap, with 68% of residents lacking access and a heavy reliance on coal, primarily driven by South Africa. The report argues for a dual approach: strengthening the Southern African Power Pool (SAPP) through better regional regulation and transboundary projects, and scaling up renewable energy mini-grids in rural areas. It highlights that while the region has vast solar, wind, and hydro potential, investment is hindered by poor policy frameworks and the financial insolvency of national utilities.

The document analyzes the energy crisis in the Southern African Development Community (SADC) and Southern African Power Pool (SAPP) regions, highlighting a significant gap between electricity generation and demand. It identifies key obstacles, including inadequate infrastructure investment, the insolvency of national utilities due to low tariffs, and the disproportionate influence of South Africa's coal-dominated energy system. The authors argue that while energy crises often push states toward inward-looking policies, regional cooperation, harmonized regulation, and transboundary projects offer the most viable path to energy security and economic development.

The report examines remittance flows in sub-Saharan Africa, highlighting that while they are a vital source of capital—often exceeding official development assistance (ODA) and foreign direct investment (FDI)—formal flows are constrained by high costs and regulatory barriers. Nigeria is the dominant receiver of remittances in the region. The study identifies a significant mismatch between migration patterns and formal remittance data, suggesting a high level of informality. It argues that shifting these flows to formal channels would enhance financial sector development and overall economic growth in SSA.

The paper argues that SADC's integration efforts have been hindered by weak leadership, a lack of enforcement powers in its Secretariat, and a reluctance by member states to cede sovereignty. It suggests that President Ramaphosa's background in mining could drive a future-oriented regional mining strategy, particularly regarding minerals for renewable energy batteries, and that strengthening the SADC Parliament is necessary to ensure regional policies are domesticated into national laws.

The document analyzes the institutionalization of 'Xi Jinping Thought' and its impact on China-Africa relations, highlighting five trends: the centrality of the Communist Party of China (CPC), the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), support for UN reform, an expanded global military role, and stricter internet governance. It warns that while China offers development alternatives to the West, these trends may increase debt burdens, promote illiberal internet regimes, and increase the militarization of the continent.

The research paper evaluates South Africa's foreign policy during the presidency of Jacob Zuma, highlighting the shift toward emerging powers like China and the BRICS grouping while noting a decline in human rights commitments and strained relations with the West. It contrasts Zuma's multilateral approach with the 'African Renaissance' focus of his predecessor, Thabo Mbeki, and argues that domestic issues like xenophobia and the Marikana Massacre have damaged South Africa's continental leadership and global image.

The author identifies three critical areas for reform under President Cyril Ramaphosa's leadership: restoring the rule of law to combat state capture, reforming the management of state-owned enterprises to spur economic growth, and investing in education to address a 39% youth unemployment rate. The text highlights the potential of South Africa's chrome and manganese deposits for the 'Fourth Industrial Revolution' and suggests that domestic stability will allow the country to reassert its regional influence and leverage memberships in groups like BRICS.

The statement outlines a roadmap for South Africa's recovery, emphasizing the need to combat state capture and corruption to restore the rule of law. It specifically highlights the necessity of restructuring Eskom, finalizing renewable energy contracts, and leveraging critical minerals for the Fourth Industrial Revolution to drive economic growth and job creation.

The research examines the fragmented nature of migration regulation across three African regional economic communities (RECs)—SADC, EAC, and Comesa—and their integration into the Tripartite Free Trade Area (TFTA). While the EAC has made significant progress in ratifying and implementing protocols for the free movement of labour and persons, SADC and Comesa suffer from low ratification rates and a tendency to treat economic migration as a national security threat. The document highlights that the TFTA, which covers 26 states with a combined GDP of $1.2 trillion, requires the removal of migration barriers to achieve its market integration goals. Case studies of Tanzania and Rwanda illustrate the tension between regional liberalisation and domestic protectionism, as well as the benefits of an economically driven migration policy. The authors argue that for the TFTA to succeed, RECs must move beyond a security-centric approach and link migration policies to economic imperatives.

The document examines Malawi's position regarding four plurilateral trade agreements: the Trade in Services Agreement (TiSA), the Government Procurement Agreement (GPA), the Information Technology Agreement II (ITA-II), and the Environmental Goods Agreement (EGA). While government officials suggest that TiSA and ITA-II could boost industrialization and competitiveness, GTAP modelling indicates that overall gains from participating in these negotiations would be very small or non-existent. Malawi currently faces significant challenges, including an undiversified export base dominated by tobacco, high costs of doing business, and limited human and financial capacity within the Ministry of Industry, Trade and Tourism to engage effectively in complex WTO negotiations.

The African Borrowing Charter provides a framework for African states to balance public debt with the need for inclusive growth and public service delivery. It emphasizes transparency, parliamentary oversight, and the establishment of robust legal frameworks to prevent a recurrence of the debt crises seen in the 1970s-1990s. The Charter advocates for the creation of Public Debt Management Offices and the enactment of Fiscal Responsibility Acts to maintain macroeconomic stability and protect future generations from unsustainable debt burdens.

The document examines the pervasive impact of corruption on African youth, who are identified as both primary victims and increasingly as perpetrators. It highlights how corruption fuels instability, conflict, and migration, while arguing that current youth engagement in anti-corruption efforts is superficial. The brief recommends structural changes, including amending the AU Advisory Board on Corruption's membership and implementing access to information laws, to ensure youth are active partners in designing and driving anti-corruption initiatives.

The document argues that communication and information poverty—characterized by lack of access to platforms, media misrepresentation, and low media literacy—undermines the achievement of the UN Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs). It specifically analyzes the intersections between communication rights and SDGs 5, 9, 16, and 17, while providing recommendations for a rights-based approach to communication. The report highlights the need to democratize media systems, increase digital media literacy, and address the specific needs of marginalized groups, particularly Indigenous peoples, which it claims are insufficiently addressed in Agenda 2030.

The report argues that electric orchard tractors are well-suited for the low-speed, high-torque requirements of South African horticultural farms, particularly in the citrus industry. It estimates a potential market of 1,480 electric tractors by 2030, which could save up to 5,200 tonnes of CO2 annually if powered by renewable energy. While initial capital costs are higher than diesel alternatives, the report identifies a payback period of less than six years due to lower fuel and maintenance costs. It further proposes a local manufacturing model developed by Nelson Mandela University, suggesting that producing 300 units annually by Year 5 could create 53 direct jobs.

This report by the Institute for Security Studies examines the African Union's (AU) use of mediation as a conflict-prevention tool. It analyzes the institutional gaps, the tension between formal and informal approaches, and the need for a more structured, long-term strategy to address the root causes of conflict in Africa.

This report by the Institute for Security Studies analyses the 2013 Zimbabwean general election to challenge the 'legitimating narrative' that President Robert Mugabe and ZANU-PF won due to an expanded social base and popular policies. The author argues that the victory was instead secured through the capture of state institutions, systemic electoral fraud, and the use of violence and intimidation, suggesting that the electoral terrain for the 2018 polls remains fundamentally undemocratic.

The report argues that for transitional justice to be effective in South Sudan, the African Union must move beyond the mere establishment of a hybrid court to support a coordinated, victim-centred strategy. This includes the Commission for Truth, Reconciliation and Healing (CTRH) and the Compensation and Reparation Authority (CRA), alongside traditional reconciliation mechanisms. The authors emphasize that security, psychosocial support, and the inclusion of civil society and the diaspora are essential preconditions for success. Drawing on lessons from other African nations, the report highlights the limitations of international trials and the critical importance of tangible reparations and local ownership to ensure the non-recurrence of violence.