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The Green European Journal (July 2015) examines the systemic failures of the EU, including the Greek debt crisis, the refugee crisis, and the dominance of neoliberal technocracy. It advocates for a 'radicalisation of democracy' and a transition toward a degrowth economy. The document critiques the EU's climate contributions for COP 21 as insufficiently ambitious and calls for a reduction in energy dependency on Russia. It emphasizes the need for Green parties to reconnect with grassroots social movements and a 'trans-European' approach to identity and politics.

The Green Climate Fund (GCF) reports progress on its Readiness and Preparatory Support Programme, which aims to assist developing countries in accessing Fund resources. Between 28 April and 18 June 2015, the total number of nominated national designated authorities (NDAs) or focal points rose to 127, and the total number of readiness requests reached 74. The Secretariat finalized grant agreements totaling US$ 1.9 million for seven countries: Comoros, Dominican Republic, Ethiopia, Federated States of Micronesia, Rwanda, Thailand, and Togo. The programme operates across five activity areas, including NDA strengthening, strategic framework development, accreditation support, project pipeline creation, and information sharing. Capacity-building efforts include regional workshops in El Salvador and South Korea, with future events planned for Fiji and Egypt, as well as headquarters visits for delegations from Mongolia and Fiji. The GCF is also coordinating with partners such as UNDP, UNEP, and the African Development Bank to ensure complementarity in readiness support.

The author contends that Germany's historical preference for non-military foreign policy and economic cooperation is no longer viable in a globalised world. Highlighting the paralysis of the UN Security Council and the rise of authoritarianism, the text calls for a more active European foreign policy. It specifically emphasizes the need for the EU to support Ukraine against Russian neo-imperialism and to maintain a value-based partnership with the United States to avoid security vacuums.

The author advocates for the use of federalism as a long-term political framework to manage ethnically divided states, arguing that the international community can and should impose such structures even without the initial volition of local elites. Using Bosnia and Herzegovina as a primary example, the text contrasts federalism with the historical approach of creating ethnically homogeneous nation-states through population transfers. The author suggests that a federal solution, involving power-sharing among moderate elites and international oversight, could be applied to conflicts in Israel/Palestine and Ukraine, provided there is sufficient international political will and a commitment to transitional justice.

The document examines the ideological shift within European Green parties regarding the use of force, moving from 1980s antimilitarism and anti-nuclear activism toward a complex debate between strict pacifism and humanitarian interventionism based on international law.

The document defines a Green foreign policy as a holistic approach that prioritizes human rights, democracy, and environmental sustainability over narrow economic interests. It advocates for the reform of international organizations like the UN and the Bretton Woods Institutions to increase transparency and representation for the Global South. The framework emphasizes the strengthening of international law, specifically the International Criminal Court, and supports restrictive weapons export policies and UN-mandated military interventions. It also calls for a development agenda that links environmental sustainability with social inclusion and conflict prevention through the 'Responsibilities to Protect' (R2P) framework.

The document examines the challenges European Green parties face in reconciling non-violence with the need to protect human rights in conflict zones. It argues for a shift in EU foreign policy from reactive crisis management to a proactive, multilateral approach that prioritizes ecological justice, nuclear disarmament, and the empowerment of civil society. Specific analyses cover the conflicts in Ukraine, Syria, and the Maghreb, as well as the strategic importance of South East Asia.

The policy brief examines the 'special partnership' between Russia and Turkey, noting that while they disagree on the Syrian civil war, they share autocratic political instincts and a mutual desire to curtail US interventionism. The author argues that Russia can boost its Middle Eastern role through joint initiatives with Turkey, leveraging the personal chemistry between Vladimir Putin and Recep Tayyip Erdoğan. While energy ties—specifically natural gas pipelines and the Akkuyu nuclear power plant—provide a foundation, the document suggests that the leaders' shared 'contrarian' tendencies and need for foreign policy victories are primary drivers for potential cooperation in Northern Syria and the South Caucasus.

The evaluation finds that Joint Implementation (JI) likely increased global GHG emissions by approximately 600 million tCO2e because many projects lacked additionality and were hosted by countries with significant allowance surpluses. The report highlights systemic failures in auditing, particularly under Track 1, and notes that 80% of issued ERUs came from project types with low or questionable environmental integrity. It recommends international oversight, standardized methodologies, and the prohibition of retroactive crediting for future mechanisms.

The briefing examines the rapid rise of Podemos in Spain, analyzing its positions on corruption, inequality, democracy, and European policy, while highlighting its influence on traditional left-wing parties and the strategic challenge it poses to ecological parties in Southern Europe.

The briefing examines the use of Upstream Emission Reductions (UERs) to meet the Fuel Quality Directive's (FQD) target of reducing transport fuel greenhouse gas intensity by 6% by 2020. It warns that the current implementing measure lacks additionality requirements and oversight, creating a high risk of double counting across EU Member States, between the EU and third countries, and between the FQD and the EU ETS. The author highlights that projects from the Alberta Offset System, including road construction for tar sands mining, could potentially qualify. To ensure environmental integrity and reduce administrative burdens, the document recommends that Member States restrict UERs to CDM projects in Least Developed Countries, noting that a single project in Angola could potentially meet the entire estimated 0.8% gap in the FQD target.

The document examines performance requirements (PR)—stipulations imposed on investors to achieve specific development goals—and the legal constraints placed upon them by the WTO's TRIMs Agreement and various Bilateral Investment Treaties (BITs). It highlights a growing trend, led by Canada and the United States, toward broader prohibitions of PRs (MIC+ clauses) that extend to pre-establishment phases. Through the analysis of cases like Lemire v. Ukraine and Mobil Oil v. Canada, the guide illustrates the unpredictability of investment tribunals in interpreting these prohibitions. It concludes by offering strategic options for developing nations to maintain their regulatory space, such as avoiding PR prohibitions in BITs or explicitly excluding certain sectors and mechanisms from such restrictions.

Carbon Market Watch asserts that international carbon markets require high ambition and demand to function effectively. Drawing on the Kyoto Protocol experience where weak targets in Russia and Ukraine created 'hot air' credits that undermined emissions trading, the author advocates for eligibility criteria based on stringent targets and the principle of supplementarity, where market units only supplement domestic ambition.

The document argues that success at COP20 in Lima depends on rich nations delivering climate finance, specifically filling the Green Climate Fund, which has only seen "USD 2.3 billion in pledges" despite a "USD 100 billion a year by 2020" goal. It emphasizes the need for an international accounting framework to prevent "double counting" and ensure that only countries with "stringent targets" can access carbon markets to avoid the "hot air" issues seen under the Kyoto Protocol. The author calls for the accounting framework to be embedded in the new climate treaty separately from the Framework for Various Approaches (FVA) and highlights the need to streamline human rights safeguards for the CDM, REDD+, and Green Climate Fund.

The document analyzes the African Group's engagement at the UN Human Rights Council, noting a tension between a desire for regional leadership and a tendency to grant accused governments veto power over resolutions. While some 'human rights-friendly' states consistently support country-specific resolutions, others systematically abstain or oppose them, leading to an uneven response to crises across the continent and globally.

The report argues that implementing cost-effective energy efficiency and renewable energy measures could halve the EU's net natural gas imports and reduce greenhouse gas emissions by 49% relative to 1990 levels by 2030. It identifies the buildings sector as having the highest potential for savings, followed by energy production and industry, while noting that domestic production, including shale gas, is unlikely to increase substantially.

The signatories argue that Russia has escalated its conflict in Ukraine through the deployment of regular troops and heavy military equipment, specifically targeting industrial hubs like Mariupol to create a land bridge to Crimea. They contend that the Russian leadership seeks to destabilize Ukraine to prevent it from becoming a successful, democratically reformed state. The authors urge the EU to impose new sanctions, provide humanitarian aid, secure energy supplies, and offer financial assistance to prevent economic collapse, while calling for the suspension of visa requirements for Ukrainian citizens as a sign of solidarity.

The policy brief examines the tension between national interests and human rights values in the foreign policies of emerging democracies like Brazil, India, Indonesia, and South Africa. While these states have collaborated with established democracies on specific crises in Myanmar, North Korea, and Libya, the author identifies significant cleavages driven by a preference for sovereignty, non-intervention, and economic interests. The document highlights how historical grievances against Northern hegemony and fear of reciprocal criticism of domestic records inhibit a consistent pro-human rights stance. However, it notes that transnational advocacy, the globalisation of media, and international mechanisms like the UN Human Rights Council provide pathways to pressure states toward greater accountability.

Carbon Market Watch asserts that the Joint Implementation (JI) mechanism is plagued by transparency and quality problems, particularly within 'Track 1' projects. The author argues that the mechanism fails to produce genuine emission reductions and that proposed reforms are insufficient, suggesting the scheme be consigned to history after 2020.

The text asserts that the transition to a sustainable society faces strong resistance from fossil fuel producers, agribusiness, and neoliberal interests. It argues that the European Union must remain unified and integrate social redistribution to effectively combat climate change and biodiversity loss, as nationalistic trends only benefit conservative forces. The author emphasizes that global climate leadership requires a determined EU that can first establish internal solidarity and social justice.