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The report examines the limitations of traditional mining taxation—primarily corporate income tax and royalties—and suggests ten alternative policy mechanisms to improve revenue mobilization. These include minimum profit shares, production sharing contracts, state equity participation, commercial state-owned enterprises, variable royalties, the 'Sixth Method' for related-party pricing, carbon pricing to mitigate EU CBAM impacts, development turnover taxes for communities, competitive bidding for licenses, and remote monitoring for quarry production. It emphasizes the need for these tools to be adapted to local administrative capacities and the evolving demand for critical minerals.

This text is the introductory material for a book titled 'The many faces of human security: Case studies of seven countries in Southern Africa', produced by the Institute for Security Studies (ISS) with funding from the Royal Danish embassy in South Africa. It outlines the collaborative effort between the ISS, the Southern African Peace and Security Network (SAPSNet), and various academic and strategic partners across seven Southern African nations to explore the concept of human security in a region historically dominated by state security priorities.

The briefing examines the failure of MONUC and the Congolese army (FARDC) to contain rebel movements in eastern DRC, highlighting allegations that MONUC provided logistical support to the FARDC during operations that benefited FDLR rebels. It details how neighboring countries—Uganda, Tanzania, and Burundi—illegally support the FDLR through gold trade, weapons supply, and recruitment. The text argues that regional agreements, such as those from the Tripartite Plus Joint Commission and the Nairobi Communiqué, are being undermined by a lack of stakeholder commitment and international failures, including the presence of FDLR leaders in Germany and France. The author calls for a comprehensive strategy to neutralize all armed groups and a reformed disarmament approach for the FDLR.

The document argues that the effectiveness of global climate finance depends on democratic governance at the local level. It references experiences with the Adaptation Fund in Senegal, the Clean Development Mechanism in Chile, Thailand, the Philippines, and South Africa, and REDD in Brazil, Cameroon, Peru, and Tanzania to illustrate governance challenges and best practices.

The document details the upcoming Angolan elections, highlighting opposition complaints regarding voter registration fraud and the CNE's bias toward the ruling MPLA. It notes that the MPLA is expected to win, ensuring President dos Santos remains in power, but warns that systemic issues—including over-reliance on oil, high unemployment, and lack of basic infrastructure—could fuel social unrest.

The document argues that juvenile justice reforms in Sierra Leone, Tanzania, and Zambia have been slow and inadequate since decolonisation. Despite being party to the Convention on the Rights of the Child, these states fail to consistently apply principles of limited criminal liability for minors or prioritise rehabilitation over retribution, often treating children in ways that disregard their dignity.

The document discusses the paradigm shift within the Southern African Development Community (SADC) regarding the link between stability and economic development. It highlights that member states, including some of the world's poorest nations, recognize that investment and growth require peace and democracy. This recognition has led to the creation of the Organ for Defence, Politics and Security to focus on conflict mediation, preventive diplomacy, and peacekeeping, signaling a move away from absolute sovereignty toward legitimate scrutiny of internal affairs.

The policy brief argues that the judicial systems of Sierra Leone, Tanzania, and Zambia are hampered by a colonial legacy where the executive branch remained dominant over the judiciary and legislature. Despite the adoption of international human rights instruments and constitutional guarantees of fair trial and judicial independence, the executive continues to control the resources available to the judiciary, which undermines its ability to prevent impunity and ensure the rule of law.

Tanzania and Malawi are in a dispute over the demarcation of Lake Malawi, exacerbated by the discovery of potential oil and gas deposits. While Malawi relies on an 1890 colonial treaty, Tanzania argues for a division based on the international law of the sea. Tensions have escalated with reports of intimidation of fishermen and the breakdown of negotiations, leading President Joyce Banda to suggest the International Court of Justice as a means of resolution.

The report examines the reception of 250,000 to 350,000 Mozambican refugees in South Africa during the 1980s, highlighting a paradox where ethnic solidarity among Shangaan-speakers coexisted with severe economic exploitation. It details the creation of a 'third tier' of undocumented labour in the lowveld's commercial farming sector and critiques the UNHCR's flawed repatriation programme in the 1990s. Despite subsequent South African government amnesties granting permanent residence to 176,648 refugees by 2000, the author argues that many former refugees remained a 'de facto undocumented' underclass due to systemic xenophobia and structural economic dependence on cheap labour.

This document is a draft agenda for the Twelfth Ordinary Session of the Assembly of the African Union, scheduled for February 1-3, 2009, in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia.

The report details the outcomes of a conference held in Jinja, Uganda, from 11 to 13 March 2009, focusing on the impact of HIV and AIDS on African armed forces. It argues that the pandemic threatens regional security and development, specifically noting that recruitment policies based on health factors can lead to "grossly diminished soldier’s combat readiness." The participants recommend the creation of an African Network on HIV and AIDS in the military to spearhead a unified policy (CCAAHM) covering recruitment, the care of HIV-positive soldiers, and guidelines for peacekeeping deployments. Key proposed actions include adopting a common policy for control and prevention, integrating voluntary counseling and testing (VCCT) in pre-deployment, and conducting human rights assessments of HIV-related military policies.

The document is a country fact sheet for Zambia, providing basic data on its location, population, political system, and economic indicators. It lists Zambia's natural resources, including minerals and hydropower, and outlines its constitutional and legal framework based on common law.

The document provides a detailed analysis of the Burundi peace process, focusing on the transition from civil war to a conditional peace. It examines the diplomatic facilitation by Nelson Mandela and Jacob Zuma, the deployment of the South African Protection Support Detachment (SAPSD), the African Mission in Burundi (AMIB), and the UN Operation in Burundi (ONUB). Key areas of focus include the Disarmament, Demobilisation and Reintegration (DDR) of various rebel groups, specifically the CNDD-FDD and PALIPEHUTU-FNL, the reform of the national army and police, and the organization of the 2005 elections. It concludes with the transition to the UN Integrated Office in Burundi (BINUB) and the final demobilization of the FNL in 2009.

The report argues that conflict in the Kivus is rooted in long-term bad governance and disputes over land and ethnicity, rather than solely foreign intervention. It analyzes the fragmentation of the RCD-G and the structure of Mayi-Mayi militias, emphasizing that sustainable peace requires the unification of the army, the resolution of local land disputes, and improved diplomatic and economic cooperation between the DRC and Rwanda.

The document examines the conflict between Ethiopia and Egypt over the proposed Great Millennium Dam, a project with a 5,250 megawatt capacity. Egypt has expressed concerns regarding its water quota and has threatened military action, while Ethiopia links Egyptian access to the site to the signing of the Cooperative Framework Agreement (CFA). The dispute is framed by the CFA, which is supported by several upper Nile Basin states but rejected by Egypt, and is further complicated by the independence of Southern Sudan.

The document examines the evolution of environmental security, critiquing 'statist' models that view environmental scarcity primarily as a threat to the state. It proposes a 'human security' framework, specifically applying a Sustainable Livelihoods approach to understand how land access and tenure systems in Africa influence poverty and conflict. The author highlights that in southern Africa, colonial legacies of land dispossession and current 'opportunistic land grabbing' by elites exacerbate insecurity. The paper concludes that sustainable security requires moving beyond technical fixes to address the underlying power imbalances, governance failures, and social injustices that drive environmental and human insecurity.

The document details the career of Salim Ahmed Salim, a Tanzanian diplomat who played a central role in the decolonisation of Africa and the fight against apartheid. It examines his strategic work within the UN Special Committee on Decolonization, his efforts to secure material support for liberation movements, and his tenure as Secretary-General of the OAU (1989–2001). The text highlights his contributions to the institutional transformation of the OAU into the African Union, his advocacy for 'non-indifference' in the face of genocide and war crimes, and his work in conflict resolution in regions such as Darfur and the Great Lakes.

The document analyzes the Rhodesian Security Forces' strategy of conducting cross-border raids to disrupt ZANLA and ZAPU insurgent bases and logistics. It details operations in Mozambique, where the focus shifted from inflicting casualties to logistical disruption as ZANLA adopted dispersed camp structures; in Zambia, where physical barriers and political constraints limited early actions before escalating to pre-emptive strikes against ZPRA; and in Botswana and Angola, which served as transit and training hubs. The text concludes that while external operations were a military necessity, they were constrained by limited aircraft, the political cost of white casualties, and the inability of Rhodesian weaponry to defeat hardened insurgent bunkers.

The notes detail the necessity of strengthening the Ituri Interim Administration (IIA) and addressing the 'justice vacuum' through the International Criminal Court to prevent impunity for war crimes. In the Kivus, the success of the DDRRR process is hindered by MONUC's non-political approach toward FDLR leaders to maintain relations with Rwanda. Operationally, MONUC faces severe resource constraints, logistical challenges due to ruined infrastructure, and the need for additional troops to effectively enforce the arms embargo and provide security in remote forest regions.