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The document analyzes China's strategy of accessing previously untapped natural resources in Africa, often in ecologically fragile areas with weak governance. It highlights the central role of the China Exim Bank in financing large-scale infrastructure and extractive projects, noting a historical lack of adherence to international environmental standards. Using the Merowe Dam in Sudan as a primary case study, the author illustrates significant social and environmental failures. While the Chinese government has begun introducing social and environmental guidelines and 'green credit' policies, the report warns that stricter domestic regulations may inadvertently encourage the relocation of polluting industries to Africa.

The address argues that the International Criminal Court (ICC) is a vital tool for upholding the rule of law and ending impunity for gross human rights violations in Africa. While noting that 30 African states have ratified the Rome Statute, the speaker highlights that all current ICC cases originate from Africa and emphasizes the need for collaboration between the ICC, the African Union, and civil society to achieve substantive justice and lasting peace.

The document provides an update on the African Standby Force (ASF), a multidisciplinary force designed for rapid deployment in peace support operations across Africa. While significant progress has been made in developing doctrine, standard operating procedures, and training, the author notes that the project has failed to meet its original ambitious timelines. Key obstacles include severe logistical deficits, a lack of leadership and staffing at the African Union (AU) level, and a heavy reliance on external funding and technical expertise from international donors. The paper details the varying levels of readiness across five African regions and argues for a more integrated partnership between the AU and the UN to ensure sustainable security operations.

Since 1994, South Africa has acted as a primary catalyst for African integration, leveraging its economic dominance and diplomatic efforts to promote the 'African Renaissance'. While it leads in conflict resolution and institutional building through the AU and SADC, it faces tensions regarding its perceived 'big brother' role and a persistent trade imbalance with other African states. Its global role involves representing African interests in the G20 and UN Security Council, though its moral authority is sometimes undermined by a reluctance to criticize fellow African leaders, specifically in Zimbabwe.

The Africa Human Security Initiative (AHSI) is organizing a workshop in Nairobi on May 7, 2008, focusing on internally displaced persons (IDPs) in the Greater Horn of Africa. The document argues that IDPs are a highly vulnerable population often neglected by states due to conceptual debates, lack of political will, and the non-binding nature of the Guiding Principles on Internal Displacement. It highlights the scale of the issue, noting that in 2004, IDP numbers in three specific countries far exceeded refugee numbers in five. The workshop aims to map displacement, assess government capacity, and develop a regional policy document and strategic action plan for managing displacement crises.

The report examines the early experiences of five African nations implementing the African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM). It highlights a tension between government-led processes and the need for independent civil society oversight to ensure candid self-assessments. While Ghana is praised for its independent governing council and robust research, Kenya's experience warns of civil society fragmentation and personal gain. Rwanda's process is noted for being heavily government-driven in a restrictive political climate, and Mauritius is presented as a case of failure due to a lack of political will and institutional capacity. South Africa's process is critiqued for unrealistic timelines and government attempts to sanitize findings, though it is noted for its extensive use of the internet and indigenous languages for outreach.

The briefing examines China's policy of offering duty-free treatment to 440 products from 30 African LDCs. While the scheme is tailored to existing export capacities, the author argues its economic impact is modest compared to its symbolic diplomatic value in signaling China's rise as a great power and alternative to Western donors.

South Africa operates as a decentralized development partner in Africa, primarily through peacekeeping, education, and research for development. While it lacks a centralized agency and systematic tracking, it utilizes the African Renaissance Fund and various government departments to support African renewal. The country increasingly employs trilateral partnerships with traditional donors to enhance its continental influence while managing costs and perceptions.

The report analyzes the growing resource-based partnership between China and Gabon, highlighting China's increasing role in Gabon's oil, timber, and mining sectors. It details the strategic importance of the Belinga iron ore project and examines how Sino-Gabonese relations are shaped by resource extraction, infrastructure development, and environmental concerns.

The briefing assesses the East Sudan Peace Agreement (ESPA) signed in October 2006 between the government of Sudan and the Eastern Front. While the agreement ended ten years of hostilities, its implementation is hindered by a lack of clear modalities, the absence of international guarantors, and significant disputes over ethnic representation. In Gedaref State, tensions are high because the Eastern Front primarily represents the Hadendowa, Rashaida, and Beni Amir, who are marginal in Gedaref's population. Fieldwork in Gedaref reveals that while 71.7% of interviewed community leaders are satisfied that the ESPA ended the conflict, many view the power-sharing arrangements as unjust and non-inclusive of the state's diverse ethnic groups, including the Shukriya and migrants from Western Sudan. The document warns that these inequities could lead to tribal polarisation or a return to armed conflict if the government does not ensure more equitable wealth and power distribution.

The research paper examines the complexities of the China-Africa relationship, highlighting the tension between massive Chinese investment and growing African concerns over colonial-style economic structures, labor standards, and environmental impacts. It identifies four conceptual roles China plays in Africa—as a face of globalisation, a development model, a mirror for the West, and a responsible stakeholder—and argues that the sustainability of the partnership depends on Africa's ability to manage these dynamics and China's adherence to international standards.

The document examines the long-term conflict in Sudan, focusing on the 2005 Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) as a framework for governance and peace. It details the interests of the Government of Sudan (GOS), the Sudan People’s Liberation Movement/Army (SPLM/A), and international mediators like IGAD. The paper analyzes the CPA's protocols on power-sharing, wealth-sharing, and security, while highlighting the critical role of the Disarmament, Demobilisation and Reintegration (DDR) process in post-conflict reconstruction.

This briefing from the Institute for Security Studies evaluates the fragile implementation of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) in Sudan as of May 2007. It details significant failures in security arrangements, the lack of a functioning population census, and the political tensions between the National Congress Party (NCP) and the Sudan People’s Liberation Movement (SPLM) ahead of planned national elections.

The author contends that sustainable peace and civilian protection in Africa require a differentiated strategic approach to security, linking short-term cessation of hostilities with long-term security sector transformation. Using the Darfur Peace Agreement (DPA) as a primary case study, the paper critiques 'deadline diplomacy' and the tendency of mediators to treat security arrangements as technical 'add-ons' rather than central strategic terrain. The author argues that the Abuja process failed because it forced a comprehensive political settlement on unwilling parties instead of first establishing an effective, enforceable ceasefire and civilian protection process to create the necessary political space and trust.

The report analyzes the proliferation of small arms and light weapons (SALW) in the DRC, CAR, and Chad, linking arms availability to historical instability, ethnic conflict, and poor governance. It assesses various disarmament, demobilization, and reintegration (DDR) efforts, noting that while some institutional frameworks exist, they are often undermined by a lack of resources, political mistrust, and the persistence of non-state armed groups. The author argues that sustainable peace requires integrating disarmament with socio-economic development and regional cooperation.

The author argues that the African Union's (AU) reliance on a rotational system for selecting its annual chairman creates a crisis of credibility when the designated region's candidate is a leader accused of grave human rights abuses. Specifically, the document highlights the risk of installing Sudanese President Omar al-Bashir as chair in 2007 despite the ongoing conflict in Darfur, where the Sudanese government has been accused of attacking civilians and bombing villages. The text notes that while Sudan was bypassed in 2006 in favor of Congo, a 2006 AU Assembly declaration deferred Sudan's claim to 2007. The author suggests that the AU must move beyond simple rotation toward firmer rules regarding the qualifications of its leaders to avoid damaging its international reputation.

The report analyzes power-sharing as a tool to mitigate civil conflict by guaranteeing political roles to potential 'spoilers'. It argues that while power-sharing can promote peace when parties are evenly matched and conflict costs are high, it may increase conflict risks when groups are unevenly matched. The authors highlight significant trade-offs, noting that power-sharing prioritizes 'ex post fairness' over democratic 'ex ante uncertainty' and can lead to high transaction costs and agency losses, such as the selection of intransigent, group-based politicians.

The report examines China's development policy in Africa, highlighting its shift from political goals to economic priorities, specifically energy security and market expansion. It contrasts China's 'non-interference' approach with Western conditionality, noting that China's willingness to engage with 'rogue states' provides it a comparative advantage in securing resources. While critics argue this undermines governance and debt relief, the authors suggest that China's presence breaks the traditional 'aid cartel' and may encourage G8 donors to improve aid effectiveness. The report recommends that Western donors integrate China into a collaborative development strategy rather than demonising its approach.

The document outlines the strategic cooperation between the European Union (EU) and Africa, focusing on the EU Strategy for Africa and the New Partnership for Africa's Development (NEPAD). It emphasizes the need for increased aid effectiveness, infrastructural development via the EU-Africa Infrastructure Partnership, and the creation of a Joint EU-Africa Strategy. Key priorities include poverty reduction, governance, peace and security, and energy cooperation, while highlighting the importance of African ownership of development strategies.

The Darfur Peace Agreement (DPA) is described as 'nearly dead' and 'in a coma' just five months after ratification, with violence against civilians intensifying. The report highlights the failure of the African Union (AU) peacekeeping mission due to inadequate funding, equipment, and a limited mandate, while the Sudanese government under President Omar al-Bashir resists a full UN peacekeeping deployment. The conflict is rooted in historical land disputes and the politics of natural resources, including unexploited oil, uranium, copper, and bauxite in Darfur. International action is complicated by the commercial interests of UN Security Council permanent members—China, Russia, and France—who buy Sudanese oil. The report concludes that while the proposed 'AU-Plus' option (an extended AU mission with UN logistical and financial support) may be insufficient, it represents the only viable alternative to break the current diplomatic impasse.