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The report provides an evaluation of corporate peacebuilding initiatives, arguing that most 'Business for Peace' (B4P) efforts have yielded few positive impacts and can sometimes exacerbate local conflicts. It presents seven key questions for firms to assess their impact on conflict environments, local definitions of peace, socio-economic structures, and supply chain links to conflict actors. The authors conclude that the most peace-positive strategy is often to avoid conflict regions entirely and that substantive progress requires binding, independently verified regulatory initiatives.

The document defines key gender concepts and outlines the policy framework—specifically UN Security Council resolutions on Women, Peace and Security—that mandates the integration of gender perspectives in peace operations. It provides a four-part operational framework for police personnel to implement gender mainstreaming, improve participation, and ensure professional conduct in the field.

The workshop, organised by SAIIA and IPPR, provided training to over 50 civil society members on the APRM's structure and the importance of early engagement. Key recommendations included the formation of a civil society working group and the development of a detailed written submission to influence the national review. Participants identified critical national issues for the submission, including land ownership, urban housing, the informal economy, education, and youth unemployment. The report also highlighted lessons from other African nations, noting that while the APRM can drive policy changes, such as women's rights in Lesotho, its impact is often limited by poor implementation of National Programmes of Action.

The research paper examines the persistent issue of sexual exploitation and abuse (SEA) perpetrated by UN peacekeepers, particularly in conflict-affected regions of Africa. It highlights how power imbalances and poverty drive transactional sex and notes that legal hurdles, such as Status of Force Agreements (SOFAs), often shield perpetrators from prosecution by leaving jurisdiction with home countries. The paper details the UN's response through Resolution 1325 and Resolution 2272, the latter of which empowers the Secretary-General to repatriate troops and requires member states to report on investigations. It concludes that while reforms under Secretary-General António Guterres provide an opportunity for improvement, success depends on sustained political will and balancing troop deployment needs with stringent vetting.

The report argues that for transitional justice to be effective in South Sudan, the African Union must move beyond the mere establishment of a hybrid court to support a coordinated, victim-centred strategy. This includes the Commission for Truth, Reconciliation and Healing (CTRH) and the Compensation and Reparation Authority (CRA), alongside traditional reconciliation mechanisms. The authors emphasize that security, psychosocial support, and the inclusion of civil society and the diaspora are essential preconditions for success. Drawing on lessons from other African nations, the report highlights the limitations of international trials and the critical importance of tangible reparations and local ownership to ensure the non-recurrence of violence.

The document analyzes the SDG indicators used in voluntary reviews from nine countries, comparing them to the global framework developed by the UN Statistical Division. It recommends that countries strengthen reporting capacities using existing systems, complement global metrics with national ones where gaps exist, and ensure reporting covers challenging areas like sustainable consumption and production rather than only convenient metrics.

The document examines how countries customize the global Sustainable Development Goal (SDG) indicator set to fit national contexts. Analyzing nine countries, it finds that while 65% of reported indicators match the UN Statistical Commission (UNSC) suggestions, there is significant under-reporting of environmental goals. The authors argue that the choice of indicators reflects a country's policy commitment and recommend that nations build reporting capacity using existing systems while avoiding 'cherry-picking' easy targets.

The document examines the governance of Africa's extractive sectors, arguing that while the Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative (EITI) provides a valuable multi-stakeholder framework for revenue transparency, it must be complemented by national laws and regional cooperation to ensure true accountability. It highlights the gap between revenue disclosure and social spending, the challenges of beneficial ownership transparency, and the impact of political will on implementation. Case studies of Nigeria, Tanzania, and Zambia illustrate the varied success of institutionalising transparency and the persistent issues of reporting delays and exclusionary governance.

The research examines 143 African ethnic groups to determine if customary institutions influence communal violence. It finds that groups with more formalized customary institutions—such as courts, legislatures, and chiefs—are significantly less likely to be involved in both inter-communal and intra-communal conflicts. The authors argue these institutions facilitate credible bargaining and mediation. In contrast, the study finds only weak and non-robust evidence that the inclusiveness or 'democratic' nature of these institutions reduces conflict.

The document analyzes Rwanda's unique position as a global leader in female parliamentary representation, attributing this to post-genocide demographic shifts and the 2003 constitutional quota system. While noting significant progress in education and gender-responsive legislation, the authors argue that the impact of female MPs is limited by an increasingly authoritarian executive branch and persistent cultural barriers. The paper highlights a disconnect between Rwanda's top ranking in gender promotion and its low rankings in general human rights and political participation within Africa.

The paper examines the challenges of attracting private investment for sustainable energy infrastructure in Africa, specifically focusing on the tensions between liberalization and regulation, risk-return profiles and affordability, and global goals versus local needs. Through case studies of natural gas in Tanzania and electricity in Zambia, it highlights how corruption, poor planning, and low tariffs hinder progress, while suggesting that a combination of public-private partnerships, capacity building, and democratic accountability is essential for sustainable development.

The document analyzes Nigeria's struggle to maintain its status as a 'regional hegemon' since the return to democracy in 1999. It argues that while Nigeria has a history of assertive 'Africa-centred' foreign policy, this has been eroded by domestic instability, corruption, the Boko Haram insurgency, and a lack of strategic leadership. The author highlights a shift in continental pre-eminence from Nigeria to South Africa and notes that Nigeria's regional influence in West Africa is contested and often dependent on external actors like France. The paper concludes that only a fundamental restructuring of domestic governance and the economy can restore Nigeria's international standing.

The document analyzes Africa's epidemiological transition, noting that while communicable diseases currently cause a disproportionate share of deaths, non-communicable diseases (NCDs) are rising. Using scenario modeling, it argues that achieving SDG 3.3 (eradicating communicable diseases) would significantly boost GDP and life expectancy but accelerate the shift toward NCDs, potentially stressing health systems. Conversely, achieving SDG 3.4 (reducing premature NCD deaths) improves productivity through reduced disability but offers smaller overall economic gains than the eradication of infectious diseases.

The document examines China's use of large-scale infrastructure projects in Africa as a tool of economic statecraft to challenge Western-led global norms and promote a 'democratised' global order. It analyzes the role of the Forum on China–Africa Cooperation (FOCAC) and compares African initiatives with similar Chinese regional forums in the Arab world, Central Asia, and Latin America. Despite a slowing domestic economy and falling commodity prices affecting resource-rich African states, the author contends that China's strategic geopolitical goals ensure the continued resilience of its African investments.

The paper investigates the impact of the African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM) on governance in Africa by comparing Ibrahim Index of African Governance (IIAG) scores between 2003 and 2015 for reviewed members, non-reviewed members, and non-members. It finds that while APRM members generally performed better than non-members, there is no significant difference in progress between those who underwent a full review and those who merely joined. The author suggests this indicates a 'self-selection' bias where states already inclined toward reform join the APRM, rather than the mechanism itself causing the improvement. The paper also notes a trend where economic and corporate governance gains often occur alongside stagnant or declining political freedoms, specifically citing Rwanda and Mali as contrasting case studies.

The document examines the systemic marginalisation of African communities affected by mining, highlighting the gap between official policy and the reality of environmental degradation, forced relocation, and health hazards. It details specific tools for empowerment, such as community protocols in Kenya and Zimbabwe, paralegal interventions in Sierra Leone, and strategic litigation regarding silicosis in South Africa. The text emphasizes the disproportionate burden on women and the necessity of moving beyond narrow legal definitions of 'indigenous peoples' to protect all customary landholders through the principle of Free, Prior and Informed Consent (FPIC).

The document examines the complexities of land tenure in Africa, highlighting the tension between customary and statutory systems. It argues that while formal titling is a long-term goal, the immediate priority should be adapting informal systems to provide legal security, improving state administrative capacity, and addressing gender-based barriers to land ownership to foster economic development and reduce conflict.

The document examines the complex hybrid of customary and statutory landholding systems across Africa, utilizing data from the African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM). It highlights that while weak property rights hinder economic growth and agricultural productivity, the administrative costs and institutional limitations of full formal titling make it an impractical immediate solution. Instead, the author proposes a gradual approach: strengthening informal tenure security, improving state administrative capacity through computerization, and investing in rural infrastructure to boost land value and productivity.

The document contends that voluntary sustainability initiatives are fundamentally flawed and insufficient to curb the global land grabbing crisis. It provides evidence of the significant financial involvement of EU-based institutions in agribusinesses that cause environmental and social harm, particularly in developing countries. The authors argue that the lack of monitoring, sanctions, and accessibility in voluntary schemes allows irresponsible actors to continue harmful practices. To address this, the briefing recommends mandatory human rights due diligence, expanded reporting requirements under EU directives, and binding regulations for financial investors to ensure only legally compliant agribusiness concessions are eligible for investment.

The document provides a structured review of literature concerning the gendered aspects of DDR. It highlights a systemic tendency to view women primarily as victims or 'camp followers' rather than active combatants, which leads to their exclusion from DDR benefits. It also examines how hegemonic masculinity drives violence and how the lack of gender-sensitive planning in post-conflict settings—such as in Aceh or Sierra Leone—marginalizes female ex-fighters. Conversely, it notes more inclusive patterns in Latin American peace processes, such as those in Colombia and El Salvador.