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Since the return to civilian rule in 1999, Nigeria has shifted its foreign policy to prioritize domestic economic development and political stability over the pursuit of regional prestige. The country has pursued a 'charm offensive' to remove its pariah status and has balanced strategic partnerships with traditional powers (US, UK, France, Russia) and emerging powers (China, India, Brazil). Key priorities include debt relief, infrastructure development, and security cooperation, with a particular emphasis on 'exchanging oil for development' in its relations with China and Brazil.

The research paper examines how the US adapted to asymmetric warfare after 9/11 by rapidly expanding its use of unmanned aerial vehicles (UAVs) and Special Forces. It details the scale of UAV deployment, the shift toward 'network-centric' warfare, and the resulting geopolitical tensions and ethical risks, such as the 'Playstation syndrome' and the potential for a global arms race involving Russia and China. The author also highlights the role of the Joint Special Operations Command (JSOC) and the Navy SEALs in covert operations across multiple continents, arguing that these developments have revolutionised 21st-century warfare and necessitate international legal scrutiny, particularly regarding operations in Africa.

The paper examines the rise of emerging powers, specifically the BRICS (Brazil, Russia, India, China, and South Africa), and their impact on global leadership and norms. It argues that the 'decline of the West' is exaggerated, as emerging powers often emulate Western modernity and liberal economic reforms. The author critiques the BRICS forum as a 'political club' lacking a unifying agenda and suggests that South Africa's membership is a 'strategic blunder'. Instead, the paper recommends that South Africa develop a rigorous commercial diplomacy approach to leverage economic opportunities within Africa and engage emerging powers on a bilateral basis to navigate 'institutional voids' such as corruption and bureaucratic inefficiency.

The author contends that the Fukushima disaster was avoidable and highlights the systemic failures in nuclear regulation and governance in Japan and the US. He argues that nuclear power is economically inferior to renewables and efficiency, noting that renewables surpassed nuclear's global installed capacity in 2010. The text calls for Japan to leverage its technological strengths in efficiency and renewables to lead a global shift away from centralized, high-risk power plants toward distributed, clean energy systems.

The document examines the risk of carbon leakage and the use of Border Carbon Adjustments (BCAs) to mitigate cost asymmetries created by carbon pricing. It specifically analyzes the exposure of Chinese exports to these measures, noting that the impact varies significantly based on the products included, the CO2 price applied, and the method used to assess CO2 content.

The document examines the role of business delegations in South African state visits from 2009 to 2010, highlighting the collaboration between Business Unity South Africa (BUSA) and the Department of Trade and Industry (dti). While these visits facilitate networking and government understanding of private sector needs, they face challenges including lack of dedicated funding, poor strategic planning, and concerns over political representivity. The author recommends a new model with clearer roles, dedicated resources, and pre-visit reconnaissance to maximize economic outcomes.

The report analyzes the sustainability of China's role as a global leader in seafood production and processing, focusing on tilapia, cod, and live reef food fish (LRFF). It identifies critical gaps in traceability, the prevalence of illegal, unreported, and unregulated (IUU) fishing, and the environmental impacts of intensive aquaculture. The document recommends that China establish a national traceability system, adopt international sustainability certifications, and develop a long-term trade policy that aligns with the 12th Five Year Plan's goals for a low-carbon, green economy.

The report finds a robust consensus across four different analyses that developing country mitigation pledges are greater in absolute terms than those of developed countries. It argues that Annex 1 pledges are insufficient and could be further diminished by lenient accounting rules regarding LULUCF and surplus allowances. The authors conclude that current global pledges are consistent with a temperature rise between 2°C and 5°C, necessitating higher ambition and stricter accounting from developed nations based on principles of equity and historical responsibility.

The paper critiques South Africa's 'yes' vote on UN Security Council Resolution 1973, arguing that the country failed to foresee how the intervention in Libya would shift from protecting civilians to an unofficial NATO policy of regime change. It suggests that South Africa ignored warnings from BRICS partners regarding loopholes in the resolution and concludes that the country needs a more rigorous, principle-based approach to decision-making to be effective on the Security Council.

The document presents a satirical or corrective 'erratum' to Shell's 2010 annual report, detailing systemic failures in environmental protection and human rights. It lists specific cases of pollution in Nigeria, Curaçao, and Canada, labour abuses in Brazil, and the risks of high-volume fracking. The report proposes a set of 'Key Performance Indicators' for 2011, including a 5% annual decrease in absolute CO2 emissions and a commitment to invest 50% of annual profits into wind and solar power.

The report details 12 sustainability cases involving Royal Dutch Shell, highlighting systemic issues such as oil spills and gas flaring in Nigeria, toxic pesticide contamination in Brazil, and the high carbon intensity of Canadian tar sands. It examines the company's expansion into unconventional gas through fracking and its influence on political processes in the UK, Netherlands, and other host countries. The document argues that Shell's business strategy prioritizes profit over environmental and human rights, often employing a 'double standard' in its operational safety and reporting.

The document analyzes Angola's foreign policy as a survival and development tool for the ruling MPLA government. It identifies three distinct phases: an initial period of survival (1975–2002) supported by the USSR and Cuba; a phase of reconstruction and growth (post-2002) driven by a strategic partnership with China; and an emerging transition toward democratic development involving closer ties with the US. The author highlights the 'Angola mode' of infrastructure-for-resources deals with China and the ongoing tensions between the MPLA's desire for centralized control and domestic demands for transparency and democratic governance.

The document examines Angola's pragmatic foreign policy towards the BRIC nations following the 2002 Luena Peace Accord. It details how Angola utilizes different strengths of each partner—such as China's infrastructure credit, Brazil's educational ties, Russia's technical expertise in diamonds and energy, and India's technical capacity in rail and gas—to reconstruct its economy and diversify away from oil dependence.

The document examines South Africa's role within the BRICS grouping, highlighting its potential to influence global governance and promote African developmental interests, such as the North-South infrastructure corridor. It notes that while BRICS provides a platform for emerging powers to address issues like climate change and the restructuring of international institutions, internal differences and the challenge of representing the broader African region may constrain its influence. Additionally, the author suggests South Africa can use the forum to attract investment and reduce business barriers, provided it improves its own domestic business environment.

The briefing argues that South Africa does not unilaterally control SACU revenue or deliberately hinder the growth of other member states. It clarifies that recent funding decreases for Botswana, Lesotho, Namibia, and Swaziland (BLNS) resulted from the 2008-2009 global recession rather than changes to the revenue sharing formula. The text highlights that South Africa contributes significantly more to the revenue pool than it receives, noting that in 2008/9 it contributed over ZAR45 billion but received just over ZAR21 billion. It further asserts that other SACU members, such as Namibia and Botswana, successfully attract their own investment and provide domestic industrial incentives. Finally, it frames South Africa's proposal to reform the revenue sharing formula as an effort to provide greater income stability for BLNS countries rather than an attempt to collapse the union.

The author contends that nuclear power is uniquely dangerous and economically unviable compared to renewable energy. Using the Fukushima disaster as a catalyst, the text argues that nuclear plants are too slow and costly to effectively combat climate change, noting that private investment has shifted toward renewables. The author suggests that the global decline of nuclear power is driven by market forces rather than isolated accidents, and urges the U.S. and Japan to move toward a post-nuclear energy future.

The research examines how increasing the EU's 2020 emission reduction target beyond 20% interacts with energy security in Poland, the Czech Republic, and Latvia. It distinguishes between 'objective' energy security (quantifiable parameters) and 'subjective' energy security (political discourse), finding that these often diverge. The authors argue that more stringent targets could improve energy security by reducing import dependency through renewables and energy efficiency, and by providing a clearer policy framework to avoid 'suboptimal investment' and 'stranded assets' in technologies like nuclear and carbon capture and storage (CCS). While Poland and the Czech Republic express high subjective insecurity despite relatively stable objective positions, Latvia remains objectively vulnerable due to its high reliance on Russian imports, though it possesses significant renewable potential.

The document analyzes the divergence in economic recovery between Western economies and emerging markets following the 2008 financial crisis. It argues that while the world avoided 1930s-style tariff wars, a new era of 'creeping protectionism' has emerged through non-tariff barriers, industrial subsidies, and regulatory standards. The author highlights a leadership vacuum in global trade governance as the US and EU adopt defensive postures, while emerging powers like China, India, and Brazil remain reactive and hampered by domestic structural weaknesses.

The document examines the Indian Ocean as a critical space for energy security and maritime trade, where global powers like the US, China, India, and Russia compete for influence. It argues that while these powers employ strategies such as 'lily pads' or 'string of pearls' to secure sea lines of communication, continental Africa has remained passive, lacking the political will and resources to proactively manage its own maritime domain.

The author questions the strategic value of South Africa joining the BRICs, noting that the group is an informal construct rather than a coherent political or economic bloc. The paper argues that BRICs membership does not inherently improve trade and investment opportunities, as bilateral barriers persist and the group includes economic competitors. Furthermore, the author suggests that joining the BRICs may undermine the IBSA Dialogue Forum and contradict South Africa's image as an assertive regional power.