Search Climate Insights Directory

The document discusses the tension between the chemical industry's societal benefits and its harmful impacts on human health and the environment, specifically highlighting the 'knowledge gap' in toxicity data. It details the introduction of the EU's REACH regulation as a pivotal shift in chemical safety and burden of proof. The briefing identifies ethical career paths in regulatory implementation, green chemistry, and the design of non-hazardous alternatives to synthetic chemicals.

The document provides a military history of the Angolan Armed Forces (FAA), detailing its origins in the struggle against Portuguese colonialism and the subsequent civil war. It examines the integration of the military wings of the MPLA, FNLA, and UNITA, the role of foreign interventions from the Soviet Union, Cuba, the US, and South Africa, and the transition of the FAA into a peacetime state institution.

The research argues that the political impact of remittances and diasporas is not determined by the size of the migrant community or the volume of funds sent, but rather by the structure and organization of the recipient state. In Cape Verde, a structured state approach including double nationality and parliamentary seats for migrants has integrated the diaspora into domestic politics. In contrast, the Comores' diaspora remains fragmented, mirroring the archipelago's internal social and political divisions. In Lesotho, the diaspora consists largely of unorganized manual laborers in South Africa who lack formal political mechanisms to influence the government, despite significant economic ties and a desire among some for political integration with South Africa.

The document provides a comprehensive framework for full cost accounting (FCA) in agriculture, focusing on the valuation of non-market environmental and social costs and benefits. It details various valuation frameworks, such as Total Economic Value (TEV), and examines specific methodologies including market-based, circumstantial, and survey-based approaches. The paper applies these concepts to agricultural case studies in the UK and Japan, and reviews meta-analyses of wetland and water resource valuations to inform future integrated economic and environmental modelling for Agriculture and Agri Food Canada.

The document provides a comprehensive overview of Guinea-Bissau's political instability from independence in 1974 to the 2004 elections. It details the civil war of 1998-1999, the problematic presidency of Kumba Ialá, and the 2003 coup d'état that led to a transitional government. The report examines the roles of various political parties, such as the PAIGC and PUSD, and the influence of ethnic groups like the Balanta. It concludes by outlining critical challenges for the new government, including the need to restructure the armed forces, consolidate democratic institutions, and reduce extreme dependence on foreign aid.

The document analyzes the July 2003 coup in São Tomé e Príncipe, arguing that while potential oil wealth increased international interest and influenced timing, the primary drivers were the demands of the Christian Democratic Front (FDC)—composed largely of former Buffalo Battalion soldiers seeking compensation—and the grievances of the military over poor living conditions. The coup was bloodless and ended through international mediation led by the CPLP, AU, and Nigeria, resulting in a Memorandum of Understanding that reinstated President Fradique de Menezes and provided amnesty to the conspirators.

Following the death of Jonas Savimbi on 22 February 2002, the Angolan government initiated a 15 Point Plan to end the 28-year civil war, including a unilateral truce and a proposed blanket amnesty for UNITA fighters. While pre-negotiations between the Angolan Armed Forces (FAA) and UNITA forces (FALA) began in March 2002, the process is complicated by deep divisions within UNITA. The movement is split between the military faction (UNITA-Savimbista), parliamentarians in Luanda, an external mission led by Isaias Samakuva in Paris, and the government-recognized UNITA-Renovada under Eugenio Manuvakola. The document notes that the lack of a clear, unified leadership within UNITA and the potential for the government to delay peacetime administrative reforms may hinder a swift transition to peace.

The Fund Raising Working Group (FRWG) met on May 18, 2001, to address funding challenges and identify new donor opportunities for the IAI. Key concerns include the rise of debt in voluntary contributions from member countries, leading to proposals for penalties such as restricting voting rights or program participation. The group explored partnerships with the Global Environment Facility (GEF) via UNEP, the Inter-American Development Bank (IADB), and the Organization of American States (OAS). While the European Commission was ruled out as a cooperation partner, the group aims to engage Spanish and Portuguese authorities and maintain links with the International Group of Funding Agencies for Global Change Research (IGFA) to reach European and Japanese agencies. The report also notes a need to improve the IAI Directorate's capacity for writing strong proposals by involving researchers (PIs and CoPIs) more effectively.

The report outlines a strategic vision for Canada to become a global leader in knowledge sharing by 2010, emphasizing the integration of ICTs into foreign policy. It proposes 'packaging' Canadian expertise in health, environment, and governance for international use and calls for a shift toward a knowledge-based approach to sustainable development. Key recommendations include building partnerships with the private sector, enhancing capacity for global dialogue, and focusing on primary education and health care systems.

The report identifies three primary ecosystems driving climate mis- and disinformation: the 'attention economy' of online influencers, state-affiliated networks (specifically Russia), and the fossil fuel lobby. It details how the #ClimateScam hashtag has gained prominence on X, how ad tech companies monetise websites hosting climate denial, how Russian state media instrumentalises climate topics for geopolitical influence, and how fossil fuel companies use Facebook advertising for greenwashing. The document argues that these efforts undermine the public mandate for Net Zero and calls for structural changes to digital platform incentives and greater transparency in ad tech.

The document argues that carbon capture and storage (CCS) is a cost-effective solution for Portugal to reach carbon neutrality by 2045, particularly for hard-to-abate industries like cement and pulp and paper. It highlights a theoretical geological storage capacity of 7.09 GtCO2 and proposes the development of industrial clusters, specifically in the Lusitanian Basin, to scale the technology.

Portugal has a theoretical CO2 storage capacity of 7.09 GtCO2, which could support the decarbonisation of its energy-intensive industries, particularly cement and pulp and paper. While no active CCS projects exist, the STRATEGY CCUS project has identified the Lusitanian Basin as a key area for cluster development. To accelerate adoption, the document recommends creating a national carbon management strategy, clarifying offshore maritime space permits, and establishing cross-border storage partnerships with EU member states like Spain.

The document provides a scientific and legal basis for the European Court of Human Rights to assess State due diligence regarding climate change. It emphasizes the urgency of limiting warming to 1.5°C to avoid irreversible damage and tipping points, noting that current global emissions trends are insufficient. It highlights severe health risks in Europe, including heat-related mortality, and argues that under the Paris Agreement and the UNFCCC, States have a 'best efforts' obligation to pursue the highest possible ambition in emissions reductions. ClientEarth asserts that failure to meet international climate commitments constitutes a prima facie violation of human rights obligations, and that adaptation measures cannot substitute for necessary mitigation.

The EEB and ClientEarth submission to ECHA argues for a comprehensive restriction on intentionally added microplastics, warning that ECHA may prematurely narrow the scope of restrictions through unjustified derogations. The authors advocate for treating microplastics as non-threshold substances, similar to vPvB or PBT substances, due to their persistence and ability to bioaccumulate. They highlight the role of microplastics in transporting persistent organic pollutants (POPs) and leaching endocrine-disrupting additives into the environment and human body. The submission supports a broad definition of microplastics that includes liquid polymers and compostable bioplastics, and emphasizes the need to consider the high exposure risks associated with nanoplastics.

The document argues that the EU is failing to meet its 2020 goal of ending overfishing due to Total Allowable Catches (TACs) being set above scientific advice, particularly by certain Member States. It recommends following scientific advice to achieve Maximum Sustainable Yield (MSY), properly enforcing the landing obligation, increasing transparency in the TAC-setting process, and ensuring honest reporting on progress.

The report concludes that EU capacity ceilings are not a major obstacle to decarbonisation, as most Member States have available room to increase gross tonnage (GT) and kilowatt (kW) capacity. It proposes a stepwise transition: first improving energy efficiency (reducing fuel use by ~30%), then adopting hybrid solutions (potentially reducing emissions by 79% combined), and finally moving toward full decarbonisation using alternative fuels like methanol. The authors argue that decommissioning fuel-inefficient vessels to combat overfishing creates a 'win-win' by freeing up capacity for the energy transition.

The document assesses plastic pollution in China, highlighting significant production and leakage into oceans, and contrasts this with the EU's comprehensive regulatory framework. It details EU strategies such as the Waste Framework Directive, Extended Producer Responsibility (EPR), and the 'Plastics 2030' strategy, which aims for 100% reusable or recyclable plastic packaging by 2030. The report suggests China adopt similar integrated land-sea management, eco-design standards, and international cooperation to combat plastic waste.

The document offers detailed guidance on defining, regulating, and supporting Renewable Energy Communities (RECs) and Citizen Energy Communities (CECs) under the EU's Clean Energy Package. It emphasizes the need for non-commercial purposes, democratic governance, and the removal of administrative barriers to empower citizens in the energy transition. The guide provides specific recommendations on legal forms, effective control, market access, and the design of support schemes, while drawing on examples from various EU Member States and the US to illustrate best practices for implementation.

The paper examines the history and current state of EU environmental governance, detailing the roles of the Commission, Parliament, Council, and Court of Justice. It highlights a systemic failure in the enforcement of environmental law by Member States and the Commission, noting that economic interests frequently override environmental concerns. The author argues that the EU's 'good governance' principles of openness and participation are poorly implemented, leaving environmental NGOs with limited influence and citizens with minimal access to justice. While the EU has a comprehensive body of legislation, the author concludes that the lack of political will makes much of it a 'paper tiger'.

A group of NGOs argues that the European Commission's proposal to amend the Aarhus Regulation fails to meet international law standards for access to justice. The statement highlights that the current internal review mechanism is ineffective, with most NGO requests rejected as inadmissible. The signatories demand amendments to include 'implementing measures', State aid decisions, and cost protections for NGOs to ensure the delivery of the European Green Deal and compliance with the Aarhus Convention.