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The 2014 European Green Party primaries served as an unprecedented experiment in pan-European internal party democracy, allowing members across the continent to select the lead candidate for the European Parliament campaign. While the process faced challenges regarding communication and turnout, it demonstrated the potential for transnational political mobilization. The author argues that this experience should lead to the creation of transnational electoral lists—specifically proposing a 25-member general European list—to shift the political narrative from national interests to a shared European project and to counter populist discourse.

The Green Primary served as a first-of-its-kind transnational experiment to select leading candidates for the European Green Party in the May 2014 elections. While it faced challenges such as varying national contexts and low turnout in some regions, it demonstrated the potential for European-level party structures. The author argues that the next step for European democratic institution building is the creation of transnational lists, as proposed in the Duff Report, to shift the political narrative from national interests to a collective European vision.

The authors argue that while the Green finance policy plan was technically sound and based on party consensus, its overly technocratic communication and focus on numbers over vision led to electoral losses. They contend that the party failed to link tax proposals to a broader Green economic vision, such as the Green New Deal, and failed to motivate key social groups or counter negative campaigning from opponents. The text concludes that future campaigns must prioritize a positive, value-driven narrative and clearly articulate the macroeconomic benefits of green investments to avoid being perceived as mere 'number-crunchers'.

The German Greens propose a Green New Deal to transition Germany toward a low-carbon, resource-efficient economy. The plan rests on three pillars: re-regulating financial markets to end speculation, implementing green industrial policies to promote renewables and efficiency, and ensuring social justice through a 'new social balance' and fair wealth distribution. The authors argue that Germany's industrial success depends on this transformation and that it must be coordinated at the EU level to be effective.

The report categorizes German residential building policies into financial instruments, information tools, and performance standards. It argues that these tools are complementary; for example, financial incentives require information tools to be effective. Key financial mechanisms include KfW loans and the Heating Cost Ordinance, while information tools range from energy audits to mass media. Performance standards like the EnEV primarily target new constructions, with the report noting significant non-compliance rates for new buildings, estimated between 25% and 35%.

The Clean Air Task Force (CATF) advocates for the inclusion of diverse CO2 transport and storage projects in the EU's PCI and PMI lists to enable the decarbonisation of hard-to-abate sectors. CATF emphasizes the need to expand infrastructure beyond the North Sea to Southern, Central, and Eastern Europe, and to develop flexible transport networks using pipelines, shipping, barges, and trains. The document highlights that by 2050, 300 to 640 million tonnes of CO2 must be captured and stored annually in the EU, with at least 30% of industrial emissions requiring transport to non-North Sea storage.

The document outlines the role of carbon management in North Rhine-Westphalia's transition to climate neutrality by 2045, highlighting that industrial point sources will still emit 7 million tonnes of unavoidable CO2 even with all technical measures except CCS. It identifies two key carbon management clusters—the Rhine Cluster and the Westfalen Cluster—and emphasizes the need for CO2 transport infrastructure and storage sites, potentially in the Netherlands (Porthos) or Norway (Northern Lights). The state government's strategy includes reducing CO2 intensity, developing CO2-free technologies, sustainable CO2 use, and public discourse.

The position paper calls for a comprehensive German carbon management strategy that integrates CO2 capture, transport, and storage (CCS) and utilization (CCU). It emphasizes the need for quantifiable targets for technical CO2 sinks, a modernized legal framework—specifically updating the Carbon Storage Act (KSpG)—and financial incentives like Carbon Contracts for Difference (CCfD) to make these technologies economically viable. The authors advocate for enabling offshore CO2 storage in the German North Sea and facilitating international transport through the ratification of the London Protocol amendment.

North Rhine-Westphalia, Germany's most CO2-intensive state, requires a carbon management strategy to reach climate neutrality by 2045. Even with maximum reduction measures, industrial point sources will emit 7 Mt of CO2 annually by 2045, rising to 35 Mt if biomass with carbon capture and storage (BECCS) is used. The state has identified two primary carbon management clusters—the Rhine Cluster (chemicals, steel, lime) and the Westphalia Cluster (cement, lime)—and is exploring storage options in the Netherlands and Norway.

The document outlines how sovereign green bonds can signal a country's commitment to low-carbon growth, diversify investor bases, and mobilise private capital. It provides a seven-step guide for issuance—from stakeholder engagement to monitoring—and details specific examples from France, Poland, Belgium, Nigeria, Fiji, and Indonesia, highlighting the inclusion of indirect expenditures like subsidies and tax exemptions.

The EU has established a framework to phase out fossil fuel subsidies by 2020, including a legal obligation to end hard coal mining subsidies by 2018. While the EU has reduced its own direct budgetary support and some member states have implemented tax reforms, significant challenges remain. The document highlights a tension between official commitments and actual practice, noting that some countries may use transparency measures to avoid eliminating a broad range of subsidies. A significant portion of coal-related fiscal support in countries like Germany, Spain, and the Czech Republic has been redirected toward just transition measures for workers and site rehabilitation.