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The document serves as a practical guide for Technical Research Institutes (TRIs) tasked with conducting the self-assessment phase of the African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM). It details the roles of TRIs, the challenges of using the 88-page APRM questionnaire, and the necessity of balancing technical objectivity with the political sensitivities of participating African governments. The handbook offers specific methodologies for gathering expert and public opinion, vetting desk research sources, and managing the logistical and political pressures of the process. It concludes by suggesting that TRIs expand their role beyond the initial report to monitor the implementation of Programmes of Action (PoA).

The document outlines the role of Technical Research Institutions (TRIs) in the African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM), specifically in producing National Self-Assessment Reports (NSARs). It details the challenges of managing complex research under tight deadlines, the necessity of balancing technical accuracy with political sensitivities, and provides a comprehensive methodology for data collection, source vetting, and questionnaire adaptation. The guide emphasizes the importance of public participation and the strategic development of Action Plans to ensure that the APRM leads to measurable policy reform.

The paper argues that foreign direct investment in Africa is often driven by natural resources rather than good governance or low corruption. While countries with poor governance rankings often attract significant FDI, the author contends that sound governance is necessary for long-term resource management and sustainable economic growth.

The paper assesses the inadequacy of Africa's counterterrorism framework, highlighting the failure of the African Union (AU) and member states to operationalize the African Centre for the Study and Research on Terrorism in Algiers. It identifies specific regional vulnerabilities—including Somalia, the Sahel, Nigeria, and South Africa—and proposes a practical division of labour between the Algiers centre, key states, and regional organisations to improve security capacity.

The author contends that the African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM) is threatened by a lack of transparency and government interference. To maintain legitimacy, the document argues that civil society must lead governing councils and that the Self-Assessment Questionnaire (SAQ) must be simplified to remove duplication and unclear wording. It recommends a collaborative approach between governments and citizens, including the use of media, research institutions, and household surveys to ensure inclusive and candid national reviews.

The author contends that Nigeria's implementation of the African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM) has been marred by government manipulation, poor planning around election cycles, and the exclusion of independent civil society. The paper suggests that the transition to President Yar’adua's administration provides an opportunity to restore the process's credibility by removing government control over the Country Self-Assessment Report (CSAR) and the Programme of Action (PoA).

The text examines the state of democracy in Africa during a period of significant electoral activity, warning that elections can become a 'cloak of legitimacy' for power-seeking leaders. It asserts that the true goal of freedom struggles was universal suffrage, and that violating the right to vote betrays the public trust and undermines the contract between the governing and the governed.

The paper examines the systemic instability of Africa's largest states—specifically Nigeria, the DRC, Ethiopia, Sudan, and Angola—noting that their size and complexity often lead to economic failure, administrative collapse, and regional destabilization. It contrasts these with South Africa's relative stability and smaller African states' better economic performance. The author critiques the international community's adherence to territorial integrity and generic federalism, suggesting instead a realism that accepts potential partition, prioritizes state-building before democracy, and deploys more decisive peacekeeping forces.

The author contends that Africa requires a leadership group of its strongest nations—similar to the G8—to drive economic growth, enforce good governance, and attract investment. The text highlights that while the continent grew at 3.5% from 1995 to 2002, a growth rate of at least 8% is necessary for sustainable development and poverty alleviation. The author emphasizes the need for a 'virtual global African economic community' involving both the continent and its diaspora to create a $1 trillion market, urging the leading nations to move beyond the ineffective principle of non-interference and instead lead through the African Union and Nepad.

The paper examines the rapid growth of China-Africa relations, noting that while Chinese investment and debt forgiveness are welcomed, the relationship is often asymmetrical. It suggests that African leaders should adopt a pragmatic approach—inspired by Deng Xiaoping's reforms—to negotiate better terms, including technology transfer, local labour requirements, and preferential trade agreements. The author advocates for using the China-Africa Co-operation Forum to establish a formal code of conduct and a civil society forum to hold Beijing accountable for its commitments regarding human rights, arms trafficking, and fair trade.

The author contends that governments in developing nations, especially across Africa, undermine global efforts to lower drug prices by imposing high tariffs and sales taxes on medicines. These financial barriers disproportionately affect the poorest citizens, such as HIV-positive patients in South Africa, by making life-saving treatment unaffordable and reducing the funds available for nutrition. The paper highlights that a 1% reduction in tariffs correlates with a 1% increase in medicine access. Beyond taxation, the author criticizes 'burdensome bureaucracy' in countries like South Africa and Namibia, where slow registration processes and redundant regulations delay patient access to drugs. The document calls for the urgent removal of these 'pernicious taxes and tariffs' and the reform of medical bureaucracies to improve healthcare outcomes.

Following the 29 March 2008 elections, Zimbabwe entered a period of high tension as the Zimbabwe Election Commission (ZEC) withheld presidential results. The country is described as politically polarised between ZANU-PF's focus on regime security and the MDC's focus on good governance. The authors highlight a severe economic meltdown characterized by inflation exceeding 100,000 percent and widespread shortages. The briefing outlines five possible scenarios: a run-off election, Mugabe conceding via a transitional government, a state-led clampdown, an outright Tsvangirai victory, or an outright Mugabe victory. The authors argue that the international community's peace and security architectures are ill-equipped for such crises and recommend the deployment of more international observers and technical expertise for the ZEC.

The briefing examines the political deadlock in Zimbabwe after the March 2008 elections, where the Zimbabwe Election Commission (ZEC) withheld presidential results despite parliamentary and senatorial outcomes indicating a deeply polarised society. The authors argue that the country is caught between two narratives: one of regime security and sovereignty championed by ZANU-PF, and another of good governance and human security advocated by the MDC and civil society. The document details a severe economic collapse characterized by inflation exceeding 100,000 percent and widespread shortages. It outlines five possible scenarios—a run-off, Mugabe's concession via a transitional government, a state of emergency clamp-down, an outright Tsvangirai victory, or a Mugabe victory—and concludes that stability requires political compromise and maturity over 'winner takes all' politics.

This case study examines the Nigerian energy landscape from 1990 to 2005, highlighting a heavy reliance on fossil fuels and unsustainable biomass. It identifies significant potentials for clean energy in solar, wind, biomass, and natural gas (specifically flare-to-power), while noting that investment is hindered by infrastructure deficits, political risks, and market distortions such as energy subsidies. The report proposes several Clean Development Mechanism (CDM) projects and a specific trigeneration case study for a rice mill cluster in Abakaliki to demonstrate the viability of biomass-to-energy systems.

The document analyzes China's strategy of accessing previously untapped natural resources in Africa, often in ecologically fragile areas with weak governance. It highlights the central role of the China Exim Bank in financing large-scale infrastructure and extractive projects, noting a historical lack of adherence to international environmental standards. Using the Merowe Dam in Sudan as a primary case study, the author illustrates significant social and environmental failures. While the Chinese government has begun introducing social and environmental guidelines and 'green credit' policies, the report warns that stricter domestic regulations may inadvertently encourage the relocation of polluting industries to Africa.

The document argues that the global trade of lead and cadmium creates significant health and environmental risks that cannot be effectively managed by countries acting unilaterally, particularly in developing nations. It highlights the toxicity of these metals, the externalization of environmental costs to producing countries, and the failure of existing frameworks to cover the entire lifecycle of these substances.

The document analyzes the transition of French foreign policy in Africa from 'la Francafrique'—characterized by personal ties to corrupt elites in former colonies—to a strategy of 'partnership' between equal nations. This shift involves a move toward multilateralism through the European Union and a strategic pivot toward new markets and power-brokers, specifically South Africa. Key drivers for this change include the 'Abidjan doctrine' on economic governance, the devaluation of the CFA franc, and a desire to move beyond a relationship driven by colonial guilt. The text highlights South Africa's role as France's leading economic partner in Africa, noting cooperation in military training in the Central African Republic and nuclear energy projects involving the company Areva.

The document provides an update on the African Standby Force (ASF), a multidisciplinary force designed for rapid deployment in peace support operations across Africa. While significant progress has been made in developing doctrine, standard operating procedures, and training, the author notes that the project has failed to meet its original ambitious timelines. Key obstacles include severe logistical deficits, a lack of leadership and staffing at the African Union (AU) level, and a heavy reliance on external funding and technical expertise from international donors. The paper details the varying levels of readiness across five African regions and argues for a more integrated partnership between the AU and the UN to ensure sustainable security operations.

Since 1994, South Africa has acted as a primary catalyst for African integration, leveraging its economic dominance and diplomatic efforts to promote the 'African Renaissance'. While it leads in conflict resolution and institutional building through the AU and SADC, it faces tensions regarding its perceived 'big brother' role and a persistent trade imbalance with other African states. Its global role involves representing African interests in the G20 and UN Security Council, though its moral authority is sometimes undermined by a reluctance to criticize fellow African leaders, specifically in Zimbabwe.

The document examines the African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM) as a political process, highlighting the tensions between governments and civil society in pioneer countries. It identifies systemic failures in the APRM's operational guidelines, specifically regarding timeframes, research methods, and the development of Programmes of Action (POAs). The authors propose the 'COPPER' principles (Candid, Open, Planned, Participatory, Exemplary, Rigorous) to ensure a credible review and provide a detailed strategy for civil society to influence the process through evidence-based written submissions and media engagement. The report concludes that the APRM's success depends on presidential leadership, transparent governing councils, and a shift in focus from merely identifying problems to crafting detailed, accountable solutions in the POA.