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The paper examines the recurring failure of peace processes in Somalia, highlighting the role of warlords, clan dynamics, and the influence of regional powers like Ethiopia, Kenya, and Djibouti. It details the transition from the Siyad Barre regime to a collapsed state, the relative stability of Somaliland and Puntland, and the specific outcomes of the Arta process and the Eldoret/Mbagathi conferences. The author argues that the 'violent veto' of faction leaders and the divergent interests of international mediators continue to undermine the establishment of a stable national government.

The document highlights Somalia's significant superhot rock geothermal resources, noting that just 1% of this endowment could provide 241 GW of energy capacity. It argues that this technology could replace Somalia's current reliance on expensive diesel generators, reduce greenhouse gas emissions, and lower electricity costs, which were approximately USD 1.0 per kWh in Mogadishu as of 2020. Additionally, the report emphasizes the low land-use footprint of superhot rock geothermal compared to other energy sources and its potential to create jobs and attract foreign investment.

This policy brief by the Institute for Security Studies examines the African Union's (AU) strategy to increase troop levels for the African Union Mission in Somalia (AMISOM) following suicide bombings in Uganda in July 2010.

The document examines the political landscape in Ethiopia after the death of Prime Minister Meles Zenawi, noting his legacy of economic growth and strategic alignment with the West. While short-term destabilisation is deemed unlikely due to intact security infrastructure, the briefing highlights risks associated with the ethnic-based ruling coalition and the potential for parochial politics to emerge.

The document argues that while Somalia has made progress in security and political stability, including the swearing-in of parliamentarians and the adoption of a provisional constitution, this progress is fragile. It identifies three primary risks: grievances stemming from the peace process and candidate selection, the 'referee/player syndrome' where transitional officials act as political competitors, and the potential for Al-Shabaab to shift to guerrilla tactics following the loss of Kismayo. The authors emphasize that managing 'bad losers' from the presidential election and planning for the evolution of Al-Shabaab are essential for long-term stability.

The report argues that the US strategy of combining counter-terrorism with state building in Somalia, lacking local knowledge and long-term planning, is likely to incite a violent backlash. It highlights how the US securitised 'failed states' as terrorism sources, leading to actions such as paying warlords to track al-Qa’eda and providing tacit support for the Ethiopian invasion in 2006. The author contends that only a shift toward regional diplomacy and civilian peacebuilding can restrain the current violence.

US and UK envoys visited Mogadishu to discuss the end of Somalia's transition period and allegations of corruption within the Transitional Federal Government. A World Bank report cited corruption totaling US$ 130 million, including the misuse of donor funding. The US government reaffirmed its intent to use targeted sanctions, such as travel bans and asset freezes, against those sabotaging the peace process. Additionally, the US has offered a US$ 33 million bounty for seven Al-Shabaab leaders to potentially induce internal divisions within the group.

The briefing examines the link between Somalia's internal instability and maritime piracy, asserting that while naval security is necessary, long-term success depends on creating viable economic livelihoods on land. It highlights the role of existing informal business networks and the need for infrastructure development in southern ports like Mogadishu and Kismayo to facilitate trade and aid. The text also identifies gaps in the international legal system and recommends strengthening the Somalia National Coast Guard and the Contact Group on Piracy off the Coast of Somalia to secure regional trade.

This report summarizes a conference titled 'Unpacking the Somali Conflict' held on 21 January 2009 in Pretoria, South Africa. The event brought together experts to discuss the complexities of the crisis in Somalia, the role of international and regional actors, and the challenges facing the Transitional Federal Government and peacekeeping missions like AMISOM.

The research explores the role of the Norwegian-Somali community as a foreign policy actor, bridging the gap between 'ethnic lobby' literature and transnational migration studies. Through interviews and case analysis, the authors argue that the diaspora successfully influenced Norway's shift to criticize Ethiopia's 2006-2007 military intervention in Somalia and encouraged the creation of the Special Financing Facility (Trust Fund) to support the Somali government. The study identifies key enabling factors for this influence, including the diaspora's concentration in urban centers like Oslo, their high level of political engagement, and their ability to provide Norwegian decision-makers with direct access to Somali political elites. However, the authors note that the diaspora is not a unitary actor, with significant internal divisions based on clan and region, such as the Somaliland diaspora's unsuccessful lobbying for independent state recognition.

The research explores how young members of the Somali diaspora, specifically those born or raised in Norway and the United States, navigate their identities and civic participation. It challenges binary views of citizenship and integration, proposing 'multi-sited embeddedness' to describe how these individuals belong to and act within multiple communities simultaneously. The study finds that civic engagement is both a result of belonging and a tool used to claim inclusion in various national and local contexts.