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Friends of the Earth International opposes the proposed WTO investment agreement, asserting it would prioritize corporate rights over the environment and public interest. The organization cites the failure of the Multilateral Agreement on Investment (MAI) and the negative impacts of NAFTA Chapter 11 as evidence of the risks associated with investor-state dispute mechanisms. It further argues that there is no empirical evidence that foreign direct investment (FDI) leads to sustainable development, noting that many developed nations used the very policy tools they now seek to deny developing countries. The paper recommends that the WTO reject 'procedural modalities' for investment talks, reexamine GATS Mode 3 commitments, and abandon TRIMS rules that hinder local development. Instead, it advocates for corporate accountability rules to be negotiated in social and environmental forums rather than within the WTO.

Friends of the Earth International opposes the proposal to include investment rules in the WTO, particularly ahead of the 2003 Cancun Ministerial Conference. The organization argues that investment agreements, such as the failed Multilateral Agreement on Investment (MAI) and NAFTA's Chapter 11, undermine the ability of governments to implement environmental and social policies. It claims there is no empirical evidence that foreign direct investment leads to equitable development and urges the WTO to reject 'procedural modalities' for investment talks and reform existing rules like GATS and TRIMS that already restrict national policy space.

The document critiques the world trade system and the World Trade Organisation (WTO), asserting that the principles of 'free trade' are fundamentally flawed and lead to increased global inequality, environmental degradation, and economic instability. It highlights how the system prioritises corporate interests over public health, food security, and sustainability, specifically critiquing the TRIPs Agreement and the Agreement on Agriculture. The briefing also details the influence of transnational corporations (TNCs) on trade policy and the failures of various WTO Ministerial Conferences, including Seattle, Doha, and Cancún.

The document argues that WTO negotiations on environmental services, investments, agriculture, and intellectual property could undermine the ability of states to protect indigenous rights. It highlights risks such as the privatization of water, the displacement of communities by industrial agriculture, and the potential for WTO dispute mechanisms to penalize governments that prioritize indigenous land rights over foreign investment.

The report argues that the WTO system is biased toward transnational corporations, which use their access to governments and the WTO Secretariat to promote rules that undermine national environmental and health standards. Through case studies, it details how this influence manifests in the push for GMO acceptance, the restriction of essential medicines via the TRIPS agreement, the promotion of water and energy privatization through GATS, and the use of investment treaties to challenge public interest regulations. The authors call for a moratorium on further trade negotiations and an independent assessment of the social and environmental impacts of 'free trade'.

The report examines the global landscape of GMO import regulations, noting a concentration of commercial acreage in the US, Argentina, Canada, and China, while many developing nations face regulatory blockages. It details the stringent regimes in the EU and Australia/New Zealand, the more flexible approach in the US, and varying levels of adoption and restriction in Asia, Latin America, and Africa. The document further analyzes potential conflicts between these national regulations—specifically regarding traceability, labelling, and the precautionary principle—and WTO agreements such as the SPS, TBT, and GATT, as well as the influence of the Cartagena Protocol on Biosafety.

The document analyzes the intersection of trade, agriculture, and sustainable development in Central America. It highlights a growing trade deficit driven by commercial openness and a reliance on low-value generic exports. Environmentally, the region faces significant water and air pollution due to the intensification of agrochemicals and livestock production. The report argues that while Central American countries have significant room under WTO rules to implement 'Green Box' support measures for sustainable agriculture, they currently lack the fiscal resources and institutional coordination to do so effectively.

The document examines the intersection of international trade law and water management, arguing that while states maintain formal jurisdiction over water, investment agreements can severely limit their regulatory autonomy. It highlights risks such as the 'locking-in' of weak domestic water regimes and the use of investor-state arbitration to challenge environmental regulations or water usage limits. The author advocates for treating water as a special resource in negotiations, improving domestic legal frameworks before privatizing services, and increasing transparency in investment disputes.

The report examines GMO import regulations in the EU, USA, Australia, New Zealand, Asia, Latin America, and Africa, comparing them against WTO agreements. It highlights the tension between the EU's stringent traceability and labelling requirements and the more permissive approach of the US, while analyzing how the 'precautionary principle' and 'substantial equivalence' impact trade disputes.

The report analyzes the agricultural sector in Central America, noting a trend where imports grow faster than exports and a heavy reliance on external technology for dynamic crops. It identifies significant environmental degradation caused by the high use of pesticides in banana and cantaloupe production and carbon emissions from sugar cane burning. The authors argue that while the region has extensive environmental legislation, it is rarely enforced. To promote sustainable development, the document recommends establishing non-distorting support mechanisms, negotiating special treatment for 'sustainable' products in trade agreements like CAFTA and the FTAA, and creating a General System of Green Preferences (SIGPREVERDE) for developing countries.

The document analyzes the rise of investor-state arbitration under Bilateral Investment Treaties (BITs), noting a significant increase in cases compared to NAFTA's Chapter 11. Using ICSID data, it highlights pending cases that challenge government emergency measures in Argentina, tax policies in Burundi, and environmental regulations in Mexico and Peru. It also examines disputes over water privatization in Bolivia and Argentina, and the risks of using opaque, ad-hoc arbitration rules (like UNCITRAL) which can lead to conflicting rulings and a lack of public transparency, potentially undermining the legitimacy of the process and hindering the ability of developing nations to manage foreign investment.

The memorandum, submitted by a coalition of NGOs and civil society groups, asserts that the WTO's internal processes are weighted against developing countries, leading to rules that harm the environment and vulnerable populations. It identifies systemic failures including the misuse of the consensus system, the exclusionary 'Green Room' process, and the lack of neutrality in the WTO Secretariat. The authors propose a shift toward a more inclusive system featuring a regular General Assembly during Ministerial Conferences, transparent drafting of texts that reflect diverse views, and the cessation of 'Mini-Ministerials' and exclusive meetings.

The document argues that the combined influence of International Financial Institutions (IFIs), Bilateral Investment Treaties (BITs), and the General Agreement on Trade in Services (GATS) creates a mechanism that forces developing nations toward the privatization of water services. It asserts that while privatization is presented as a universal solution for water scarcity, it often fails the poor and marginalized, as seen in South Africa and Bolivia. The text emphasizes that access to water is a fundamental human right, and that international legal frameworks can 'trap' governments by making liberalization irreversible and exposing them to costly international arbitration (such as through ICSID) if they attempt to re-regulate or reverse privatization to protect public health and human rights.

The document is a participant list for the 10th IAI Conference of the Parties, held in June 2003 in Boulder, Colorado. It identifies representatives from various national agencies, universities, and research institutes across the Americas, including the USA, Canada, Brazil, Argentina, Chile, Colombia, Costa Rica, Mexico, Jamaica, Panama, and Uruguay, as well as IAI staff and observers.

The IAI Executive Council (CE) met in June 2003 to address administrative, financial, and scientific governance. Key outcomes included the creation of a nomination committee for the Scientific Advisory Committee (SAC), the renaming of the Financial and Administrative Working Group to the Financial and Administrative Committee (FAC), and the proposal of a debt-swap mechanism for member countries with arrears. The Council also approved the IAI's New Scientific Agenda and an annual report for submission to the Conference of Parties (CoP X), while postponing a planned 8% increase in member contributions until the following year.

The document examines the proliferation of bilateral and regional investment treaties, highlighting how they limit the ability of host states to regulate for public health and the environment. It critiques the investor-to-state dispute settlement mechanism for its lack of transparency and the use of 'indirect expropriation' claims to challenge environmental laws. The author recommends that new governance principles for foreign direct investment in hazardous activities ensure public transparency in arbitration, public consultation on host government agreements, and a commitment by companies to abide by evolving environmental and health legislation.

The document presents case studies of biodiversity restoration by small farmers in Costa Rica, Paraguay, and Uruguay, contrasting these with the destructive impacts of industrial agriculture, genetically modified seeds, and international trade agreements.

The report critiques the impact of trade liberalisation and corporate control on global food security, advocating for a shift toward localised, sustainable food systems and the recognition of food sovereignty as a fundamental right.

The 18th SAC meeting focused on reviewing the IAI's scientific agenda, managing Core Research Network (CRN) projects, and planning future funding calls. Key outcomes included the formation of working groups to rewrite the scientific agenda, the recommendation of a new Small Grants Program (SGP) with a US $600,000 budget, and the appointment of Walter Fernández as the new SAC President. The committee also discussed collaborations with the Asia-Pacific Network for Global Change Research (APN) and the International Geosphere-Biosphere Programme (IGBP).

The document proposes a comprehensive Cotonou Investment Agreement to replace existing bilateral investment treaties (BITs) and better align foreign direct investment with the sustainable development goals of the Cotonou Partnership Agreement (CPA). It argues that current international investment agreements focus too narrowly on investor protection and lack empirical evidence of benefiting developing countries. The proposed agreement would balance investor rights with host state obligations and public goods, incorporating principles of legitimacy, transparency, and accountability. Key recommendations include the establishment of an Observatory for ACP Investment to monitor results, a Cotonou Investment Fund to support small and medium enterprises, and the use of regional institutions to manage environmental reviews and competition authorities. The author emphasizes the need for a dispute settlement mechanism that requires the exhaustion of domestic remedies and shows deference to public policy goals, moving away from current models like ICSID or UNCITRAL.