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The report details a systemic failure of governance in Ketapang District, West Kalimantan, where oil palm expansion—driven by EU biofuel targets—has led to widespread illegal land clearing, deforestation of protected forests, and severe social conflicts. It highlights that the Ketapang government issued permits for approximately 40% of the district's land in just three years, often bypassing legal requirements for Environmental Impact Assessments (EIAs) and forestland release approvals. The document argues that voluntary certification schemes like the RSPO and the EU's Renewable Energy Directive (RED) are insufficient to prevent these abuses, as they lack rigorous legality checks and fail to address 'replacement effects' where certified oil is diverted to energy, pushing the food sector toward unsustainable sources. Socially, the expansion has resulted in land grabs from indigenous communities and precarious labor conditions, including the non-payment of smallholders and chemical poisoning of workers.

The South African clothing and textile sector has faced significant job losses and a decline in competitiveness following the end of the Multi Fibre Agreement in 2004, which allowed China to increase its global and domestic market share. While South Africa attempted to use import quotas from 2007 to 2008, these failed to reduce total imports as retailers shifted sourcing to other low-cost Asian producers. The document argues that the sector's struggles are driven by high labour costs, low productivity, and rigidities in the unionised workforce rather than imports alone. It suggests that further trade protection is unlikely to be effective and instead recommends non-trade industrial policy tools, such as skills development and capital upgrades through the Industrial Development Corporation, alongside a strategic shift toward high-end niche export products.

The document analyzes the legal implications of defining 'investment' in international investment agreements (IIAs). It contrasts the traditional, broad asset-based definitions—often modeled on early German treaties—with more recent, precise approaches adopted by Canada, the U.S., ASEAN, and COMESA. The author highlights the tension between 'objective' and 'subjective' tests used by ICSID tribunals to determine jurisdiction, warning states that vague definitions can lead to unexpected arbitral rulings that exceed domestic legal understandings of foreign investment.

The paper argues that the SPLA/M is unlikely to transition into a political party in the short term due to persistent security threats, lack of trust in the Khartoum government, and internal structural issues. It highlights how the Sudanese government's support for Southern militias and the linkage of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) to the conflict in Darfur disincentivize the SPLA/M from disarming. The author emphasizes that a successful transition requires a clear settlement of North-South relations, the disarmament of pro-government militias, and a resolution to the Darfur crisis.

The report analyzes the impact of investment incentives on economic growth, employment, and technology transfer in Southeast Asia. It finds that while incentives helped attract FDI in countries like Singapore, Malaysia, and Thailand, they are not sufficient on their own, as factors like political stability and infrastructure are equally critical. The document notes that technology spillovers vary by national capacity and that the 'China effect' on FDI diversion is often overestimated. It concludes that region-wide regulations and transparency are needed to prevent costly bidding wars and ensure sustainable development.

The document analyzes China's economic engagement with Cambodia, Laos, and Vietnam, noting a trade structure dominated by Chinese imports of natural resources and exports of manufactured goods. It highlights the role of Chinese state-owned enterprises in hydropower, agribusiness, and mining, while noting a gap between China's stated willingness to adopt international best practices and the poor social and environmental track records of its companies abroad.

The author contends that structural adjustment programmes (SAPs) and subsequent 'good governance' prescriptions failed to spur development in Africa because they focused on formal institutional arrangements while ignoring neo-patrimonialism. In neo-patrimonial states, rulers are primarily accountable to followers (clients) rather than the general public, creating a tension with Western norms of transparency. The paper suggests that state decay occurs when the informal sphere fully takes over formal structures, leading to a 'self-reinforcing spiral of state decay'. To reverse this, the author argues that African governments must move away from donor-driven blueprints and instead operationalise local, indigenous measures of legitimacy and accountability to serve developmental goals.

The paper examines the failure of structural adjustment programs and subsequent 'good governance' initiatives in Africa. It posits that the tension between formal institutional norms and informal neo-patrimonial practices—where leaders prioritize clients over the general public—has led to state decay. The author argues that for governance to be effective, it must be conceptualized locally, integrating informal realities into development plans rather than merely replicating Western models of transparency and accountability.

The report examines how Southeast Asian countries use investment incentives to attract FDI and the resulting impacts on sustainable development. While incentives have contributed to economic growth and job creation in some nations, the report finds significant evidence of redundancy, where investments would have occurred regardless of incentives. It highlights the importance of a supportive overall investment environment over isolated incentives and notes that environmental impacts remain under-researched. The document also discusses regional investment competition, the 'China effect', and the role of bilateral and regional treaties in shaping investment regimes.

The document explores the tension between 'mainstream' and 'progressive' regionalism in Southeast Asia. It argues that while ASEAN has introduced a 'people-oriented' approach to gain support, civil society advocates for a 'people-centred' model where citizens are at the heart of decision-making. The author details the evolution of civil society engagement, from early academic and business influence via ASEAN-ISIS to more aggressive advocacy by networks like the Solidarity for Asian People’s Advocacies (SAPA). The paper concludes that alternative regionalism is emerging as a bottom-up process seeking to integrate human rights, social protection, and democratic participation into the regional framework.

The paper argues that ASEAN's pursuit of sustainable development remains largely rhetorical, as its economic integration initiatives—such as AFTA and the AEC—often prioritize neoliberal open regionalism over the needs of marginalized groups. While the region has seen growth, significant disparities persist, with 21% of the population living in absolute poverty. The author suggests that ASEAN can become a development-oriented organization by reforming its policy of non-interference, empowering semi-skilled migrant workers and small-scale farmers, and increasing transparency in policymaking.

The document examines China's expanding influence in the Mekong region, specifically Cambodia, Laos, and Vietnam, through foreign direct investment and trade focused on natural resource extraction. It notes that while Chinese state-owned enterprises dominate hydropower and are increasing investments in mining and agribusiness, they often maintain poor social and environmental records. The brief argues that China could lead in sustainable investment by adopting international best practices and partnering with host governments to strengthen local regulations.

The report analyzes the environmental and social footprints of China's rapid economic growth within three specific sectors: forestry, cotton, and E-products. It argues that because China is a central 'middleman' in global supply chains, it shares responsibility with international partners to address degradation. For forestry, the report highlights China's role as a major importer of illegally logged timber and recommends building capacity in supplying countries and adopting sustainable procurement. In the cotton sector, it notes high water and pesticide use in domestic production and suggests promoting sustainable sourcing and Sino-African cooperation. For E-products, it focuses on the crisis of E-waste and the toxicity of informal recycling, recommending a national E-waste strategy and international cooperation on responsible disposal. The overarching strategy emphasizes national capacity building, leveraging sustainable markets through green procurement, and active participation in international sustainability standards.

The report finds that REDD is a low-cost climate mitigation strategy, with $20 billion in annual funding potentially reducing 2020 deforestation emissions by 50%. However, it argues that political and institutional constraints—specifically the capacity and interest of major emitters like Brazil and Indonesia—will likely delay the implementation of a comprehensive global system until 2020 or later.

Friends of the Earth has released a report titled “Voices from Communities Affected by Climate Change,” documenting first-hand experiences of climate impacts from diverse groups including indigenous peoples and small-scale fisherfolk across multiple continents. The organization uses these testimonies to call for a roadmap toward a post-Kyoto agreement in 2012, emphasizing that wealthy nations must lead in reducing greenhouse gas emissions and financing adaptation for poorer communities. The document highlights the need for climate justice through a moratorium on fossil fuel extraction, the promotion of energy sovereignty, and the fulfillment of UNFCCC obligations for wealthy countries to fund adaptation in developing nations, which may require an additional $50–100 billion annually.

The report argues that most RTAs in the SACU region focus on market access while neglecting social and environmental concerns. It highlights that trade liberalization does not automatically reduce poverty and can lead to job losses in sectors like South Africa's textile industry. The author recommends the creation of regional sustainable development guidelines, the completion of National Sustainable Development Strategies (NSDS), and the implementation of trade sustainability impact assessments to align trade negotiations with regional priorities.

This executive summary by Friends of the Earth challenges the Malaysian Palm Oil Council's (MPOC) claims that Malaysian palm oil is sustainable. It argues that expansion, particularly in Sarawak, is driving tropical deforestation, the destruction of peat lands, and human rights violations against indigenous peoples like the Penan. The report highlights the role of European and American bio-energy targets in driving this demand and calls for the EU to abandon its 10% biofuel target and for the Malaysian government to recognize Native Customary Rights and enforce a zero-burning policy.

The report argues that the Malaysian palm oil industry's claims of sustainability are misleading, citing evidence of widespread deforestation, illegal open burning on peatlands, and the systemic violation of indigenous land rights in Sarawak. It highlights the 'carbon debt' created by converting peat forests to plantations and criticizes the lack of public participation in Environmental Impact Assessments (EIAs). The document calls for the EU to abandon biofuel targets that drive this demand and for the Malaysian government to recognize Native Customary Rights (NCR).

The report finds that Malaysia's ambitions to become a global biodiesel producer have been undermined by volatile feedstock prices and the high cost of production relative to petroleum diesel. While the government provided limited support through soft loans and tax incentives, a proposed B5 blending mandate would likely increase the national subsidy burden. The industry's profitability is precarious, relying heavily on exports to the EU and US, where it may benefit from subsidy loopholes. Environmentally, the report argues that the presumed carbon benefits of biodiesel are offset by greenhouse gas emissions from deforestation and peatland conversion, while socially, global biofuel demand has contributed to rising food prices.

The report investigates how ISO 26000 is perceived by SMEs, consultants, and National Cleaner Production Centres. It finds that while the ISO brand adds legitimacy to social responsibility, the standard's broad and generic nature makes it a poor management tool for SMEs, who often operate via informal processes and are driven by the personal values of owner-managers. The study highlights significant barriers for SMEs, including a lack of expertise, financial constraints, and low negotiating power within global value chains, which can lead to 'mock compliance'. It concludes that ISO 26000 is most relevant to a specific profile of SMEs—those that are export-oriented, networked into international supply chains, or led by sustainability-aware entrepreneurs.