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The document details the systematic exploitation of diamond resources in the Central African Republic by armed groups such as the Séléka and anti-balaka. It describes a sophisticated black market where diamonds are smuggled through neighboring countries and 'naturalized' with false origins to enter international markets. The report criticizes the effectiveness of the Kimberley Process, noting that the partial lifting of export bans through 'compliant zones' may be undermined by internal smuggling and the existence of large stockpiles acquired during the conflict period by buying offices like Badica and Sodiam.

The document examines how valuable minerals can finance violence, trigger local conflicts, and weaken state governance through corruption. It provides lessons learned for development interventions, such as empowering local communities, supporting artisanal and small-scale mining (ASM), and promoting corporate responsibility. The toolkit includes a survey instrument for risk assessment and lists USAID contracting mechanisms and international partners to address mineral-related conflict.

The text argues that Africa has lost its Cold War-era strategic importance, leading to a rise in regional conflicts and state fragility. It discusses a shift toward subregional security arrangements (such as ECOWAS and SADC) as African nations and donors move away from reliance on the UN. The author contends that stability requires a focus on domestic security and 'collaborative security' based on transparency and reassurance rather than collective defense, warning that supporting weak, undemocratic states to provide regional security without international oversight may have negative consequences.

The briefing examines the paradigm of humanitarian intervention and the 'responsibility to protect' (R2P) in post-cold war Africa. The author contends that these interventions often fail to address deep-seated inequalities and may inadvertently prolong conflicts by creating truces that allow weaker parties to rearm. The text suggests that non-intervention—allowing a conflict to reach a military conclusion—or targeted political and credible protection missions may be more effective alternatives for achieving durable peace.

The document examines the political landscape in Ethiopia after the death of Prime Minister Meles Zenawi, noting his legacy of economic growth and strategic alignment with the West. While short-term destabilisation is deemed unlikely due to intact security infrastructure, the briefing highlights risks associated with the ethnic-based ruling coalition and the potential for parochial politics to emerge.

This monograph presents a collection of papers from 'Exercise Morning Star', a September 1996 seminar held at the South African Army College. The document provides a general overview of conflict management, peacekeeping, and peacebuilding in Africa, emphasizing that these issues are no longer exclusively military domains and require partnerships between military forces, civil society, and regional bodies.

The policy brief focuses on the security risks associated with Mozambique's fifth democratic election in October 2014, specifically regarding the role of Renamo and the need for sustainable measures to address rebel demands regardless of the election outcome to maintain a tenuous peace process.

The document examines disarmament as a critical component of disarmament, demobilization and reintegration (DDR) efforts within multinational peace support operations in Africa. It highlights the necessity of assessing local dynamics and sub-regional contexts to address insecurities, using the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) as an example of how national crises spark regional instability. The text reviews the implementation of disarmament programmes in several African nations, noting that while success rates vary, Sierra Leone provides a recent example of successful conclusion. The monograph aims to provide a common framework of analysis by comparing the differing situations in Sierra Leone and the DRC to establish basic requirements for planning and implementing future disarmament programmes in Africa.

The author contends that current humanitarian military interventions in Africa are inadequate because they rely on Cold War-era peacekeeping doctrines that prioritize humanitarian assistance over the restoration of security. This failure, combined with the perceived lethargy of UN interventions, has led African institutions to deploy forces that often lack sufficient mandates and resources. The paper proposes a new doctrine of 'humanitarian security intervention' with a higher remit for the use of force to better meet the needs of civilian protection and security restoration.

The Mano River Basin, comprising Sierra Leone, Liberia, Côte d’Ivoire, and Guinea, faces fragile peace threatened by the movement of displaced people, failed post-conflict reintegration, and illicit trade. While UN peacekeeping missions in Sierra Leone and Liberia have seen success with DDR processes, the region remains a concern for the West due to links between resource trade and terrorism, such as Al Qaeda's diamond trade with the RUF. The author argues that sustainable peace requires a shift in focus toward the dynamics of displacement and international trade rather than solely reacting to terrorist threats.

This briefing discusses the significance of Liberia's 2011 presidential and legislative elections for the country's stability and the subsequent withdrawal of UN troops, while emphasizing three critical areas for sustained peace building.

The report argues that the success of the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA) depends heavily on improving the efficiency, capacity, and security of Africa's maritime transport and port infrastructure to facilitate the movement of goods across the continent.

The document examines the demobilisation and reintegration of military personnel across various African nations, arguing that while downsizing armed forces can potentially free resources for development and serve as a confidence-building measure, the actual impact is not automatic. It highlights that high costs of resettlement and reintegration often offset short-term financial gains. The author emphasizes that successful demobilisation depends heavily on political will, the institutional environment, and the availability of sustainable economic opportunities for ex-combatants to prevent the reoccurrence of conflict.

The document details a seminar on the African Union's (AU) response to unconstitutional changes of government, specifically military coups. It evaluates the Lomé Declaration and the AU's consistency in applying sanctions, while proposing reforms to address poor governance and presidential term limits to prevent future instability.

The author argues that DDR processes often fail because they prioritize the visible technical aspects of disarmament and demobilisation over the difficult task of reintegration. In West Africa and the Great Lakes region, 'conflict economies' and the desire of local actors to retain power undermine peace accords. The document suggests that without transitioning from a conflict economy to a peace economy and addressing political grievances, DDR cannot prevent a return to violence.

The document analyzes the evolution of Disarmament, Demobilization, and Reintegration (DDR) programs in Africa, noting a shift from vague mandates in the late 1990s to highly specific programs by 2004. It emphasizes that DDR must be a voluntary process integrated into a broader national recovery framework, rather than a standalone social driver for peace. Key challenges identified include the 'quantitative' focus on counting soldiers versus the 'qualitative' need to reverse military indoctrination, the risk of DDR becoming a profit-making venture for ex-combatants, and the difficulty of accurate combatant identification. The report recommends a human-rights-based approach to DDR, better cross-border coordination to prevent combatants from moving between conflicts, and the use of strategic communication, particularly radio, to manage public expectations and support reconciliation.

The document provides an analytical account of child soldiering in Africa, focusing on the drivers, roles, and consequences for both boys and girls. It argues that the use of children is a global phenomenon facilitated by the proliferation of light weapons and the nature of modern intra-state civil wars. The author emphasizes that recruitment is often a deliberate military strategy based on the agility and controllability of children, or a result of extreme poverty and state collapse. The text highlights the specific, often invisible, experiences of girl soldiers, who serve as combatants, spies, and forced 'wives'. It concludes that child soldiering creates a 'scarred generation' and a dysfunctional notion of childhood, which in turn alters the culture of the affected societies.

The text analyzes the emergence of private security companies (PSCs) like Executive Outcomes (EO) in Africa, arguing that they fill a security vacuum left by the failure of the UN and regional organizations. While criticizing PSCs for lacking international mandates and potentially infringing on human rights, the authors suggest that in cases like Angola and Sierra Leone, these actors provided a 'lesser of two evils' by preventing total state collapse and facilitating peace negotiations through the seizure of key financial targets. The document concludes that the trend of privatized peace enforcement reflects broader state weakness and requires greater international vigilance and legal frameworks to curb abuses.

The document examines the demobilisation, disarmament, and reintegration (DD&R) process in Angola following the 2002 military victory of the government over UNITA. It highlights the immense humanitarian challenges, including over four million internally displaced persons, and the government's exclusive control over the DD&R process. The authors detail a research project conducted between 2003 and 2005 in the provinces of Huambo, Huíla, and Bié to assess how ex-combatants transition into civilian life within a context of weak state structures and shattered infrastructure.

The document examines the link between poverty, human insecurity, and conflict in sub-Saharan Africa. It argues that the 'security first' approach of international donors is flawed because it focuses on state security while ignoring the structural economic collapse caused by neo-liberal structural adjustment programmes and unsustainable debt. The author describes 'new wars' in Africa as rational economic responses to exclusion, where warlords utilize global markets for lootable commodities. The paper advocates for a shift toward 'human security' and a significant increase in official development assistance (ODA) to meet Millennium Development Goals, warning that current donor strategies continue to prioritize market liberalization over genuine poverty alleviation.