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The document examines the current investment incentive mix in Lao PDR, highlighting a 'double subsidy' of tax holidays and low-cost land concessions. It argues that these incentives provide minimal returns in tax revenue, job creation, or technology transfer, and recommends replacing them with a uniform corporate tax rate and targeted incentives for green infrastructure, public services, and human capital development.

The report outlines four primary challenges in studying wartime sexual violence: definitional inconsistency, difficulties in measuring magnitude, the need for variables beyond scale (such as perpetrator and victim identity), and inherent biases in data sources. To address these, the authors recommend adopting the International Criminal Court's definition of sexual violence, using severity categories instead of numerical estimates, and employing data triangulation. A pilot study covering 20 African countries demonstrated that global data collection is attainable, though it highlighted the need for time-variant and location-specific data to develop early-warning systems.

India's engagement with Africa has evolved from a post-colonial focus on decolonisation and non-alignment to a pragmatic 'enlightened national interest' approach. This modern strategy is driven by India's need for energy security, specifically crude petroleum, and its ambition for a permanent seat on the UN Security Council. Trade has grown significantly, with bilateral trade reaching $39 billion in 2008–09, and Indian investment has expanded across hydrocarbons, mining, agriculture, and ICT. India continues to support African capacity building through the ITEC programme and the Pan-African e-network project, aiming to marry its traditional idealistic goals with contemporary economic and strategic needs.

The report finds that while civil society usage of PAIA for strategic advocacy has increased, the performance of information holders has declined, characterized by a high rate of 'deemed refusals' and a lack of affordable appeal mechanisms.

The report details a forum held in Kampala, Uganda, where negotiators from 40 developing countries discussed the risks of traditional Bilateral Investment Treaties (BITs) and the need for regulatory space to pursue sustainable development. Key discussions focused on the 'African Mining Vision', the dangers of 'land grabbing' in agriculture, and the systemic biases of investor-state arbitration. Participants advocated for a shift toward regional cooperation, the use of 'police powers' exceptions in treaties to protect public interest, and the implementation of domestic laws that prioritize national economic policies over investor demands.

The report examines the state of ICT and Internet policy in West Africa, highlighting the transition from state-led telecommunications to private-sector-driven growth. It details a survey conducted across seven West African countries and Kenya, which reveals overwhelming support for national multi-stakeholder Internet governance forums (IGFs). The findings emphasize that while mobile penetration has grown rapidly, significant gaps remain in broadband access, digital literacy, and regional interconnectivity. The document argues for a holistic policy approach that integrates Internet governance with sustainable development goals, including environmental stewardship and e-governance, while advocating for a shift from top-down government control to inclusive, multi-stakeholder dialogue.

The report details a 2011 workshop in Sierra Leone focused on applying conflict-sensitive conservation (CSC) to the Gola Rainforest National Park. Participants identified various conflicts, including wildlife-human clashes, resource access disputes, and unequal benefit-sharing. The workshop prioritized these issues based on human and conservation impacts, selecting four key conflicts for detailed analysis using conflict trees and maps to develop potential solutions.

The document argues that rule of law (RoL) development in Africa is primarily a political rather than a technical exercise, criticizing the traditional 'institutional capacity development' model used by donors. It advocates for a shift toward service-delivery and problem-solving approaches that recognize legal pluralism, engage legitimate local justice providers, and address the political interests of domestic elites who may oppose RoL reforms. The report highlights specific challenges such as extreme pre-trial detention rates, gender-based violence, and the complexities of international criminal justice via the ICC, while suggesting that sustainability is best achieved through community-driven projects and the integration of international human rights law into national domestic legislation.

The document evaluates the Multi-country Demobilisation and Reintegration Programme (MDRP), which operated from 2002 to 2009 to support ex-combatants in the Great Lakes Region. It highlights the shift from MDRP to the Transitional Demobilisation and Reintegration Programme (TDRP) and examines the specific challenges of reintegration in the Republic of Congo, Central African Republic, and Liberia. Key findings emphasize the risks of 'arms for cash' approaches, the difficulty of sustainable economic reintegration, and the necessity of linking DDR processes with broader security sector reform and community development.

The document presents results from a pilot study of 177 armed conflict actors in 20 African countries. It finds that sexual violence is often indiscriminate, frequently committed by state armies, and can persist in post-conflict periods or years with low killing rates. The study emphasizes that sexual violence is not an inevitable part of war, as many actors do not engage in it, and recommends improved reporting mechanisms and targeted interventions to reduce its occurrence.

The document examines the 'Reducing Emissions from Deforestation and Forest Degradation' (REDD) framework, highlighting how its implementation often prioritizes corporate profit and carbon market volatility over the rights of Indigenous Peoples and local communities. Through case studies in countries like Indonesia, Mexico, and Paraguay, it illustrates risks such as 'leakage', the displacement of forest-dependent populations, and the lack of genuine free, prior, and informed consent. The report concludes that REDD should be decoupled from carbon markets and instead focus on reducing demand for agricultural commodities and timber while rewarding those who have historically conserved forests.

The report critiques the REDD (Reducing Emissions from Deforestation and Forest Degradation) framework, highlighting how its implementation often leads to the marginalization of indigenous communities and the privatization of forest resources. Through case studies in countries like Indonesia, Mexico, and Paraguay, it argues that REDD is being used by transnational energy companies to 'greenwash' their images while continuing fossil fuel extraction. The document warns that linking REDD to unstable carbon markets and allowing monoculture plantations may undermine actual emission reductions and exacerbate land conflicts.

The report critiques 'Reducing Emissions from Deforestation in Developing Countries' (REDD), claiming it risks exacerbating inequality and privatizing forest resources. It highlights how energy companies use REDD for greenwashing while continuing fossil fuel extraction. Through case studies in Indonesia, Mexico, Paraguay, and others, the document illustrates failures in community consultation, the risk of 'leakage' where deforestation simply shifts location, and the danger of including monoculture plantations in carbon accounting. It concludes that REDD should be decoupled from volatile carbon markets and instead based on public funding and the recognition of Indigenous land rights.

The report critiques the 'Reducing Emissions from Deforestation in Developing Countries' (REDD) mechanism, highlighting how it can exacerbate inequality and privatize forest resources. Through case studies in countries like Indonesia, Mexico, and Paraguay, it demonstrates that REDD projects often exclude indigenous communities from decision-making and serve as a 'greenwash' for fossil fuel and logging companies. The document warns that without reducing demand for agricultural commodities and timber, REDD may lead to 'leakage,' where deforestation simply shifts to other areas, rendering the mechanism ineffective for global climate mitigation.

The briefing examines Liberia's fragile state as it prepares for the 2011 elections. While President Ellen Johnson Sirleaf has overseen significant infrastructural and economic growth, the document highlights critical failures in national reconciliation following a controversial Truth and Reconciliation Commission report, a weak and under-equipped security sector, and a severely degraded justice system. It argues that the 2011 elections are a critical test for the country's stability and the timing of UN troop withdrawal.

The document examines how natural resources—both through abundance and scarcity—fuel social and armed conflicts in Africa. It argues that traditional peace processes often fail by focusing on 'high politics' (like power-sharing) while ignoring the underlying political economy of resource distribution. Using the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), the International Conference on the Great Lakes Region (IC/GLR), and the Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD) as examples, the author advocates for integrating natural resource management into diplomatic and mediation frameworks to achieve sustainable peace.

The policy brief examines the Comprehensive Africa Agriculture Development Programme (CAADP), a pan-African framework designed to improve food security and environmental resilience. While international support has surged—including a $1 billion implementation fund and G8 commitments—the document highlights a critical gap in African leadership and policy capacity. It argues that without strengthening the expertise of those managing the policy process, Africa cannot fully optimise this support to achieve its target of 6% annual agricultural growth. The brief also notes that CAADP's inclusive structure provides a more legitimate and durable governance model for agricultural research and development (ARD) than previous programmes.

The report details a two-day conference in Nairobi focused on the integration of the private security sector into African peacekeeping. It examines the shift from 'combat' roles to 'non-core' military functions, the tension between state monopolies on force and the efficiency of private contractors, and the urgent need for binding international regulatory frameworks to replace non-binding guidelines like the Montreux Document.

The report examines the gender gap in the Norwegian Armed Forces (NAF) and other NATO countries, arguing that while national recruitment is a prerequisite for female participation in international missions, it is not sufficient on its own. Despite implementing numerous initiatives, Norway has seen slow growth in female personnel, trailing behind countries like Canada, France, and the United States. The author analyzes NATO's recommended best practices across recruitment, employment, operational planning, and quality of life, noting that many states prioritize equal rights over the instrumental operational value of women. The report specifically highlights Canada's 'employer of choice' strategy as a successful model for Norway to consider, while cautioning that mandatory conscription for women in Norway may be premature without a deeper understanding of female motivation for military service.

The document provides a comprehensive review of India's involvement in UN peacekeeping missions in Africa, from the 1960 Congo crisis to missions in the 21st century. It identifies a shift in India's motivations from Cold War-era non-alignment and anti-colonial solidarity toward a strategic desire for global recognition and a permanent seat on the UN Security Council. The author details specific missions in countries such as Angola, Somalia, and Sierra Leone, highlighting both the humanitarian successes and the operational failures or controversies encountered. It concludes that India is likely to adopt a more cost-effective, case-by-case approach to future African peacekeeping to better serve its national interests.