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The author argues that while the EU has developed better legal and institutional tools to protect the rule of law, the political commitment of Commission President Ursula von der Leyen is questionable. The text highlights a tension between the 'fact-based' discourse of judicial independence and a 'détente' policy that risks validating illiberal narratives in Eastern Europe.

The report analyzes climate policy performance in the transport and buildings sectors across CEE countries, highlighting specific successful initiatives. In transport, it identifies Romania's 'Rabla' car scrappage scheme, Hungary's Jedlik Ányos Action Plan for electric vehicles, Poland's electric bus rollout, Slovakia's railway modernization, and the Czech Republic's integrated public transport laws as regional benchmarks. In the buildings sector, it highlights Romania's EIB-financed thermal insulation, Slovakia's long-term retrofit support, Poland's solar collector promotion, and the Czech Republic's heat pump subsidies. The document argues that these 'first mover' experiences can be transferred across the region to accelerate the low-emission transition.

The author argues that the European media business model is broken due to falling advertising revenues, the rise of algorithmic polarisation, and opaque ownership structures. This has led to a decline in rigorous investigative journalism and the rise of 'fake news' and state-sponsored disinformation. The text suggests that current technical and legal fixes are insufficient and that governments must provide financial support, such as grants and subsidies, to ethical, fact-based journalism to protect democratic norms.

The document criticizes the veto by Poland, the Czech Republic, Estonia, and Hungary against the EU's long-term climate strategy, arguing that such political obstruction harms businesses by removing investment certainty. It highlights that energy-intensive industries—specifically steel, cement, and chemicals—account for approximately 40% of greenhouse gas emissions under the EU emissions trading system and have seen no decrease in pollution since 2012. The author asserts that a formal commitment to net-zero emissions by 2050 is essential to signal a clear decarbonisation path, enable the development of financial frameworks, and inform the EU 2030 industrial strategy.

The authors contend that the EU is paralyzed by institutional inertia, the dominance of the Council, and the influence of vested interests. They critique Emmanuel Macron's reliance on a Franco-German bilateral engine, arguing that it ignores the reality of transnational politics and the effectiveness of coalitions like the Visegrád Group. The text suggests that breaking the deadlock requires leveraging the European Parliament, forming offensive and defensive coalitions, and using strategic unilateral action or the blocking of trade deals to force systemic change.

The analysis argues that while a broad coalition of Eurosceptic parties could obstruct EU integration, only radical-right populists pose a substantive threat to liberal democratic values, though their ability to implement an 'illiberal' model in Western Europe remains limited by public opinion.

The analysis of draft NECPs reveals that the EU is set to miss its 2030 coal phase-out goals, with 11 Member States planning no phase-out and 60 GW of coal capacity projected to remain. The report highlights a disconnect where countries receiving EU just transition funding, such as Poland and Czechia, lack credible phase-out plans in their NECPs.

The author criticizes the EU's current approach to media freedom, arguing that relying on national governments is insufficient, especially in countries like Hungary and Poland where media pluralism is threatened. While acknowledging some progress—such as the proposed whistleblower directive and small-scale funding for investigative projects—the text contends that these efforts are inadequate against the dominance of tech platforms like Google and Facebook. The document calls for a permanent EU funding body for investigative journalism, a re-evaluation of the subsidiarity principle regarding media, and a requirement for online platforms to share revenue with high-quality news providers.

The document analyzes the scale of plastic pollution in China, noting that China's 2017 plastic production was approximately 75 million tons. It details the EU's comprehensive approach, including the Waste Framework Directive and the Packaging and Packaging Waste Directive, which utilize Extended Producer Responsibility (EPR) to shift financial and operational burdens to producers. The paper highlights EU targets under 'Plastics 2030' to make all plastic packaging reusable or recyclable by 2030. It concludes by recommending that China upgrade its legal systems, adopt whole-process management from production to disposal, and cooperate with the EU on transboundary waste treatment and global governance.

The author contends that Viktor Orbán's government has systematically dismantled democratic institutions in Hungary, creating an 'authoritarian regime' that serves as a model for far-right movements in Europe. The text argues that previous EU responses were too timid, relying on 'soft law' and infringement procedures that failed to produce results. It advocates for the 'nuclear' option of Article 7—which can suspend voting rights—and specifically proposes linking EU funding in the Multiannual Financial Framework to the state of the rule of law to disrupt the financial incentives supporting the current regime.

The author contends that current EU efforts to combat disinformation are insufficient because they rely on member states that may be hostile to critical media. While the EU has introduced some protections for whistleblowers and small-scale grants for investigative projects, the document argues for a permanent funding facility for journalism and a re-evaluation of the subsidiarity principle to allow the EU to intervene more directly in member states where media freedom is under threat.

The CJEU ruled on 13 December (2018) that cities such as Brussels, Paris, and Madrid have standing under Article 263 TFEU to challenge EU regulations if those regulations prevent them from exercising their regulatory powers. In this case, the cities successfully challenged the 'conformity factor' in Commission Regulation 2016/646, which had relaxed the Euro 6 emissions standard. The court found that the regulation restricted the cities' ability to ban vehicles that met the relaxed standard but exceeded stricter emission limits. This decision is framed as a landmark for access to justice, potentially allowing cities to act as environmental watchdogs and challenge other EU measures, such as the authorization of glyphosate.

The report analyzes how the 'Great Replacement' theory, originating in France, has been internationalized and mainstreamed through social media, alt-tech platforms, and the rhetoric of far-right politicians in Europe and North America. It details the role of the Identitarian Movement and the use of 'crisis narratives'—such as existential threat and conspiracy—to inspire actions ranging from 'remigration' (forced deportation) to terrorism. Quantitative analysis shows a steady increase in online discussions of these theories leading up to the Christchurch attack, while qualitative research highlights the use of dehumanizing memes and the co-option of official statistics to provide a veneer of legitimacy to white nativist ideologies.

The author contends that existing trade agreements, such as the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP), prioritize corporate interests over public regulation and environmental standards, contributing to the rise of right-wing populism. To address this, the document proposes a green trade strategy where agreements are only concluded with nations committed to the Paris Climate Agreement and the UN Sustainable Development Goals. This strategy advocates for the removal of investor-state-dispute-settlement (ISDS) mechanisms, the integration of enforceable social and ecological standards, and the application of the 'precautionary principle' to protect consumers. Additionally, the author argues that trade policy must be supported by regional industrial policies to manage structural economic changes and stricter competition laws to limit the market power of multinational corporations.

The document outlines ten core demands for a just energy transition, emphasizing that energy should be treated as a common good rather than a commodity. It calls for the dismantling of capitalist and patriarchal systems of oppression, the repayment of climate debt by developed nations to the global South, and the prioritisation of small-scale, decentralised renewable technologies. The manifesto advocates for 'energy sufficiency' to end overconsumption by elites while ensuring universal access for the poor, and insists on a just transition that protects the rights and livelihoods of energy sector workers.

The document outlines ten demands for transforming the global energy system, emphasizing the need to dismantle capitalist and patriarchal structures to achieve energy sovereignty. It advocates for a transition to 100% renewable energy based on decentralized, small-scale technologies and the redistribution of climate finance from the Global North to the Global South to address historical ecological debts.

The document outlines ten demands for a systemic change in the global energy landscape, emphasizing that energy should be treated as a common good rather than a commodity. It advocates for 'energy sufficiency' to eliminate overconsumption by elites while ensuring universal access to basic energy needs. The manifesto calls for a rapid transition to 100% renewable energy, specifically prioritizing small-scale, decentralized technologies over large-scale projects that may cause land grabbing or biodiversity loss. It emphasizes a 'just transition' that protects workers' rights and addresses historical climate debts owed by the Global North to the Global South. Central to its argument is the concept of energy sovereignty, where communities—particularly women and marginalized groups—have democratic control over their energy production and use.

The Defenders in Development Campaign urges states and development finance institutions (DFIs) to integrate human rights protections into development projects, noting that defenders of land and environmental rights face extreme risks of violence and criminalization.

The report details a growing movement across Europe to replace the 'war on drugs' with policies based on harm reduction, public health, and human rights. It provides country-specific accounts from Belgium, the Czech Republic, France, Germany, Hungary, the Netherlands, Poland, Spain, and the UK, highlighting a tension between restrictive national laws and progressive proposals for decriminalisation, legalisation of cannabis, and the implementation of safe consumption rooms.

The document advocates for the European Union to lead the 'Mission 2020' initiative, which aims to bend the global emissions curve by 2020 to stay within the 2-degree Celsius limit of the Paris Agreement. It argues that the EU can use its existing institutional frameworks, specifically regional cohesion and structural funds, to support a just transition toward low-carbon economies. The text emphasizes a shift from centralized energy production to decentralized, community-based renewable energy systems to empower local actors and counteract populist movements. It cites historical industrial transitions in regions like the Ruhr Area as evidence that such structural changes can be managed. Additionally, it highlights the role of bottom-up movements, such as the Transition Town Movement and the fossil fuel divestment movement, in driving decarbonization.