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The report examines how the global financial crisis impacted European societal security through three dimensions: material financial security, the perceived social value of the financial sector, and broader societal resilience. It finds that while some countries recovered, peripheral euro area nations experienced depression-level unemployment, severe material deprivation, and significant political polarization. The document also explores the rise of alternative finance and cryptocurrencies as responses to a crisis of legitimacy in traditional banking, while noting that austerity measures may have undermined social cohesion and increased domestic violence and suicide rates in severely affected regions.

The authors argue that the EU faces a democracy crisis characterized by citizen mistrust and a perceived lack of representation. To counter this, they suggest that Members of the European Parliament (MEPs) should engage more actively in online debates and that the European Parliament should become a primary forum for transnational public debate on issues like climate change and data protection. The paper emphasizes the need to integrate European and national politics, suggesting that national parliaments—particularly through scrutiny committees in countries like Denmark, Finland, and Germany—should play a more prominent role in explaining EU business to voters. Proposed reforms include giving national parliaments the right to suggest EU-level actions, allowing MEPs and commissioners to address national parliaments, and creating a eurozone oversight committee. Finally, the authors advocate for shifting the focus from bringing regional officials to Brussels to bringing EU engagement directly to the regions and municipalities to better reflect local concerns.

The author criticizes the EU's handling of the Greek debt crisis and the refugee crisis as evidence of a failure in solidarity, driven by a 'neoliberal size fits all' approach. The text calls for the Green party to move beyond a defensive, reformist stance and develop a clear vision for a federal Europe capable of addressing global challenges and internal imbalances.

The Green European Journal (July 2015) examines the systemic failures of the EU, including the Greek debt crisis, the refugee crisis, and the dominance of neoliberal technocracy. It advocates for a 'radicalisation of democracy' and a transition toward a degrowth economy. The document critiques the EU's climate contributions for COP 21 as insufficiently ambitious and calls for a reduction in energy dependency on Russia. It emphasizes the need for Green parties to reconnect with grassroots social movements and a 'trans-European' approach to identity and politics.

The document argues that the EU must address the root causes of migration—such as poverty and armed conflict—rather than just symptoms. It proposes four main pillars: establishing a permanent European search and rescue operation to proactively save lives; increasing resettlement places and providing safe, legal access to the EU to bypass smugglers; safeguarding the right to spontaneous asylum applications at external borders while opposing the militarization of migration policy; and replacing the Dublin system with a solidarity-based responsibility-sharing mechanism for asylum seekers.

The author describes the historical and current refugee crises on Lesbos, highlighting a transition from a community of solidarity to one under extreme pressure due to state inaction. By May 2015, approximately 20,000 arrivals had overwhelmed local infrastructure, leading to the deterioration of the Moria detention center and the emergence of xenophobic narratives. The text calls for the government to declare a state of emergency, involve European authorities, and establish proper housing and transport infrastructure to protect the island's democratic and anti-racist character.

The author describes a humanitarian crisis on the island of Lesbos, where over 20,000 refugees arrived in the first five months of 2015. The text highlights a lack of government and European Community infrastructure, noting that refugees are often forced to walk 60 kilometers to reach processing centers. It warns that the failure of officials to provide basic services like shelter and toilets is fueling xenophobia and potential violence. The document calls for the establishment of arrival and processing centers, provided transport, and a specific plan for the August tourist season to prevent further suffering.

The submission argues that TNCs operate with unprecedented economic and political power, often evading national laws through complex structures and benefiting from investment treaties that prioritize private profit over human rights. It proposes a binding UN treaty that establishes TNCs' obligations to respect all human rights, holds them civilly and criminally liable (including joint liability for subsidiaries and suppliers), and mandates that states regulate TNCs' extraterritorial activities. The document further calls for the legal supremacy of human rights over trade and investment agreements, the inclusion of international financial institutions like the IMF and World Bank in the treaty's scope, and the creation of a World Court on TNCs and Human Rights. Finally, it demands that TNCs be excluded from the negotiation process to prevent corporate influence from undermining the instrument's effectiveness.

The document argues that transnational corporations (TNCs) currently operate with impunity due to a lack of binding international regulations and the dominance of trade and investment treaties over human rights. It proposes a new UN instrument that establishes the legal obligation of TNCs to respect all human rights, holds them civilly and criminally liable for violations (including through subsidiaries), and mandates that states regulate TNCs' extraterritorial activities. The proposal calls for the creation of an international court and a monitoring body to oversee implementation, while demanding that TNCs be excluded from the negotiation process to prevent undue influence.

This collection of reports and interviews analyzes contemporary European resistance movements, focusing on struggles against extractive industries, infrastructure mega-projects, and economic austerity. It highlights specific cases in Romania, Greece, Scotland, France, and Turkey, while discussing the systemic role of the educated middle class in mobilization. The text argues that Green parties must reconnect with their radical roots and form transversal alliances with social movements to challenge the dominant neoliberal economic model and the 'sacredness of growth'.

The document is a collection of articles examining 'Invisible Walls and Barriers' to communication. It analyzes the use of exclusionary narratives in Spanish populism, the ethical challenges of academic research in Brazilian favelas, the sustainability of community media in Mexico, and the severe political and religious restrictions on media in Afghanistan. It also discusses the impact of austerity on European press freedom, the boundaries of legitimate discourse in Israel, and the role of indigenous community media in Canada's reconciliation process. Finally, it reflects on the paradoxical nature of technological development driven by military interests.

The author argues that the border fence at the Evros river, praised by Prime Minister Antonis Samaras, has not stopped migration but merely shifted flows toward the sea, leading to increased arrivals on Greek islands and more deaths at sea. The text frames this as part of a wider European trend where leaders in the UK, France, and Germany adopt right-wing rhetoric to counter populist parties, which the author claims ultimately strengthens the far-right.

The document examines the strategic realignment in the Eastern Mediterranean involving the Republic of Cyprus (RoC), Israel, and Turkey. It argues that while the RoC, Israel, and Greece have formed a new security bloc to balance Turkey's naval ambitions, a structural need to contain Iranian influence is driving a rapprochement between Israel and Turkey. This shift is further incentivized by commercial imperatives, as the discovery of Egypt's Zohr gas field makes Turkey a more viable export market for Israeli natural gas. The author contends that these twin dynamics—the Turkey-Israel rapprochement and the RoC-Israel-Greece security formation—provide a new balance of incentives and guarantees that could facilitate a resolution to the Cyprus conflict.

Return migration to Pakistan is highly diverse, ranging from the lifestyle-driven back-and-forth mobility of naturalized citizens from Europe to the forced return of irregular migrants via deportations and assisted voluntary return programmes. While the country relies heavily on remittances—receiving 18.4 billion USD in financial year 2014—returnees often face a context of instability, poor living conditions, and a lack of trust in state institutions due to corruption and nepotism. The Pakistani government's approach to return migration has primarily focused on short-term laborers from the Middle East and the promotion of formal remittance channels, leaving the needs of other diaspora groups largely unaddressed and the country's broader socioeconomic potential untapped.

The report analyzes the resurgence of the far right in Europe, arguing that 'mainstream' and 'extremism' are not opposites but exist on a volatile continuum. It provides case studies on parties such as the Front National in France, Golden Dawn in Greece, and Jobbik in Hungary, examining how they leverage crises—economic, political, or social—to gain legitimacy. The text highlights a trend of 'mainstreaming,' where extreme right ideas are adopted by centrist parties, and explores the role of leadership and organizational strategy in the growth of these movements.

The briefing examines the rapid rise of Podemos in Spain, analyzing its positions on corruption, inequality, democracy, and European policy, while highlighting its influence on traditional left-wing parties and the strategic challenge it poses to ecological parties in Southern Europe.

The author contends that the climate crisis and poverty are linked, requiring a radical shift toward social justice and sustainability. Using Portugal as an example, the text highlights how renewable energy can drive GDP growth and job creation, while criticizing austerity measures and the lack of public awareness in Portugal, where only 6% of the population views climate change as a serious problem.

The author contends that the global ecological crisis and social poverty are linked, requiring a radical political shift toward sustainability and social justice. Using Portugal as an example, the text highlights the severe climate risks facing the Iberian Peninsula—including water scarcity, soil degradation, and rising sea levels—while noting that Portuguese public and political discourse remains dominated by short-term economic concerns and austerity. Despite this, the document points to the success of Portugal's renewable energy sector, which provided 27% of the country's energy and created 40,000 jobs in 2013, as evidence that climate policy can drive economic growth and employment.

The 2014 European elections saw a significant rise in far-right and eurosceptic forces, particularly in France where the Front National achieved 25% of the vote. While the German Greens maintained a double-digit result, they lost three mandates. Across Europe, the Green faction became more regionally diverse with new representatives from countries like Spain, Hungary, and Croatia, though it lost influence due to the collapse of a progressive majority in the Parliament. The author argues that the Greens must counter the narrative of the EU as a neoliberal tool and push for an end to unilateral austerity policies to restore trust in European integration.

The analysis argues that traditional media remained the primary source of election information during the 2014 European elections but failed to foster a 'European public' by prioritizing national politics over European issues. In Germany, the UK, and Spain, the author finds that media coverage was often biased or sensationalist, frequently granting disproportionate visibility to anti-European parties like UKIP and AfD while marginalizing others, such as the Greens. The report highlights a lack of prime-time transnational TV debates and suggests that economic pressures and political apathy have turned journalism into a consumer product rather than a public service.