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The document contends that the widespread panic regarding 'populism' as a threat to democracy is misplaced because populism is often a secondary ideology. The author distinguishes between left-wing populists, who are generally not anti-pluralist, and the radical right, whose threat to liberal democracy is rooted in xenophobic nationalism and anti-immigration agendas. The text highlights that the real danger lies in the broader corrosion of fundamental freedoms and the rule of law, often adopted by mainstream parties in the name of national security and identity.

The guide defines fundamental concepts of international climate diplomacy, including the roles of the COP and CMA, the function of Nationally Determined Contributions (NDCs), and the development of the 'Paris rulebook' (Modalities, Procedures and Guidelines). It also outlines financial mechanisms like the Green Climate Fund and the $100 billion goal, as well as processes for increasing climate ambition such as the Global Stocktake and the Talanoa Dialogue.

A coalition of NGOs calls for the EU to ensure the post-2020 EU Emissions Trading System (ETS) does not subsidize coal plants and implements a tightening emissions cap to drive decarbonization in line with Paris Agreement goals.

The author warns that the EU ETS reform for 2021-2030 could inadvertently subsidize coal and other fossil fuels, potentially channeling 160 billion euros to polluters. While the European Parliament and several member states advocate for emissions performance standards to exclude coal from the Modernisation Fund and Article 10c provisions, the document highlights that 90% of previous investments under these rules have supported existing fossil fuel infrastructure.

The document critiques the European Commission's proposal for a Multilateral Investment Court, asserting that it merely rebrands the controversial investor-state dispute settlement (ISDS) system without addressing its substantive flaws. It argues that ISDS allows corporations to challenge public interest laws—including those related to health, environment, and human rights—through biased tribunals, often resulting in massive taxpayer-funded payouts. The report claims the proposed court would further institutionalize this imbalance, undermine national judiciaries, and create a parallel legal system accessible only to foreign investors. It concludes by advocating for the termination of bilateral investment treaties and the adoption of a UN treaty to regulate transnational corporations.

The report synthesizes documentary evidence to show that major oil and gas companies were aware of the climate risks associated with their products as early as the 1950s. It argues that these companies had the capacity to foresee harms and the opportunity to mitigate them through technology and public warnings, but instead engaged in coordinated campaigns to sow scientific doubt. The document links this conduct to legal frameworks of responsibility in tort and human rights law, noting that attribution science now allows for the quantification of specific corporate contributions to global climate impacts.

The report examines the discrepancy between the frequent WTO litigation of renewable energy subsidies and the absence of cases against fossil fuel subsidies. It argues that while political factors and the 'undercapture' of consumer subsidies by WTO law play a role, producer subsidies may still be actionable if sufficient evidence of adverse trade effects is provided. Through five G20 case studies, the authors highlight the difficulty of proving 'adverse effects' and the lack of transparency in subsidy notifications. The report recommends five avenues for reform: technical assistance, enhanced transparency, subsidy reform pledges, political declarations, and expanding the category of prohibited subsidies.

The briefing identifies critical policy gaps in national coal transitions, emphasizing that a 'just transition' requires more than carbon pricing. It highlights the need to protect workers, build local economic resilience, avoid stranded assets, coordinate international trade flows, and secure financing. The document frames these managed transitions as a credible way for countries to increase their climate ambition within the UNFCCC framework.

The research examines the capacity of 'old industrial regions' (OIRs) to transition from declining mature industries to new growth paths. It utilizes the Regional Innovation Systems (RIS) framework to analyze 'lock-in'—functional, cognitive, and political—that hinders diversification. Using examples like Germany's Ruhr region, the paper argues that successful renewal requires 'regional branching' based on existing capabilities and a shift from top-down mandates to inclusive, bottom-up 'regional development coalitions'. It provides a typology of innovation support and warns against the 'regional resource curse' where renewable energy transitions may fail to create localized value.

The document analyzes the intersection of G20 economic governance and African development priorities. It finds a strong alignment between the UN 2030 Agenda, AU Agenda 2063, and recent G20 initiatives, particularly in infrastructure, food security, and energy. However, it highlights significant gaps in the implementation of these goals and criticizes the 'Compact with Africa' for lacking sufficient African consultation and failing to address diverse national contexts. The authors recommend that South Africa and other G20 members better resource AU and NEPAD representation and create stronger linkages between isolated G20 initiatives for Africa.

The document outlines the technical goals of COP23, focusing on the 'Rule Book' for the Paris Agreement, climate finance for developing countries, and the role of non-state actors. It analyzes how the US withdrawal has paradoxically strengthened international coalitions and spurred sub-national action within the US, while emphasizing Fiji's leadership in advocating for loss and damage and ocean governance.

The European Court of Justice ruled that the European Commission cannot use the exception for protecting its decision-making process to withhold all documents related to an administrative procedure, particularly when those documents contain environmental information. In a case involving Saint-Gobain and free emission allowances under the EU emissions trading scheme, the Court found that only documents revealing the actual deliberations of decision-makers can be kept secret, while other documents must be disclosed. The ruling emphasizes a strict interpretation of transparency exceptions in line with the Aarhus Convention.

The Technology Needs Database (TND) analyzes technology needs for climate mitigation and adaptation identified by developing countries. Mitigation needs are concentrated in energy supply, efficient cities, and mobility, while transport, forestry, and agriculture are underrepresented relative to their emissions. Adaptation needs focus on agriculture, forestry, water management, and disaster prevention, with oceans, coastal zones, and human settlements being relatively underrepresented.

The study evaluates the impact of financing renewable energy through electricity surcharges versus alternative tax sources in Spain. Using a combined computable general equilibrium (CGE) and microsimulation (MS) model, the authors find that electricity surcharges are regressive, disproportionately affecting low-income households and vulnerable groups such as retirees. While exemptions for producers protect industrial competitiveness, they exacerbate the burden on households. Conversely, financing through lump-sum transfers or value-added taxes (VAT) is found to be more effective in reducing regressive effects and safeguarding welfare for low-income groups without significantly harming overall economic output.

The report examines the practices of Nestlé, Danone, Mead Johnson Nutrition, and Abbott, concluding that the proliferation of 'premium' and 'specialised' infant formulas is a strategy to increase market share and profit margins, particularly in Asia, often at the expense of breastfeeding promotion and consumer affordability.

The briefing examines why fossil fuel subsidies have historically avoided challenges at the WTO, noting that WTO law often "undercaptures" these measures compared to renewable energy supports. Through a preliminary analysis of five G20 support measures, the authors find that consumption subsidies are particularly difficult to litigate due to a lack of specificity and difficulty in demonstrating adverse trade effects. To overcome these legal hurdles, the document proposes five reform avenues: technical assistance, improved transparency, political declarations, voluntary pledges with reporting, and the expansion of the ASCM's category of prohibited subsidies.

The document evaluates how Brazil's Forest Code (Law No. 12.651/2012) compares to the land-use and forest protection laws of six other top agricultural exporters. It focuses on two main areas: riparian buffer zones and biodiversity conservation. The analysis finds that Brazil maintains some of the most stringent rules for private lands, particularly regarding mandatory no-harvest riparian zones and the requirement for all private properties to set aside land for biodiversity (Legal Forest Reserves) without compensation. While other countries use a mix of voluntary easements, financial incentives, and targeted zoning, Brazil's approach is more universally mandatory across private rural properties, though the report notes that the effectiveness of these rules depends on full implementation and enforcement.

The report compares forest and land use policies in Argentina, Brazil, Canada, China, France, Germany, and the United States. It finds that Brazil's Forest Code (Law No. 12.651/2012) maintains more stringent requirements for private landowners than the other reviewed nations, particularly regarding mandatory riparian buffer zones and the requirement to set aside land for biodiversity protection without compensation. While other countries utilize voluntary incentives, easements, or specific species-at-risk policies, Brazil's framework imposes broad, mandatory obligations across all rural properties.

The study compares forest and land use laws in Argentina, Brazil, Canada, China, France, Germany, and the United States, focusing on riparian Permanent Preservation Areas (APP) and biodiversity conservation. It finds that Brazil maintains some of the most stringent rules for private land, specifically regarding mandatory native vegetation reserves without financial compensation, although the 2012 Forest Code relaxed some parameters for areas consolidated before July 2008.

The briefing argues that President Macron's 2017 climate summit should implement a public finance package to offset U.S. budget cuts to the Green Climate Fund and other programs. The proposed package includes approving the reuse of Clean Technology Fund (CTF) reflows, converting CTF debt from Germany, France, and Canada into equity, and securing new pledges for the Adaptation Fund and the Least Developed Countries Fund (LDCF).