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The report estimates that five of the largest meat companies and ten of the largest dairy corporations emit approximately 12.8 million tonnes of methane, representing 3.4% of global anthropogenic methane emissions and 11.1% of global livestock methane. Total greenhouse gas emissions for these companies reach 734 million tonnes of CO2 equivalent, exceeding Germany's national emissions. The authors highlight a lack of corporate transparency, noting that 60% of the analyzed companies do not report total emissions or Scope 3 emissions, and none reported supply chain methane. The report calls for binding reduction targets, mandatory reporting, and a systemic shift toward agroecology to meet the 1.5°C global warming limit.

The report finds that 15 major meat and dairy companies emit approximately 12.8 million tonnes of methane, representing 3.4% of global anthropogenic methane emissions and 11.1% of global livestock methane. The combined greenhouse gas emissions of these companies (734 million tonnes of CO2 equivalent) exceed those of Germany. The document highlights a significant lack of corporate transparency, with 60% of the analyzed companies failing to report total emissions or scope 3 emissions. It calls for binding emission targets, mandatory reporting, and a systemic shift toward agroecology to meet the 1.5°C warming limit.

The report finds that 15 major meat and dairy companies collectively emit approximately 12.8 million tonnes of methane, representing 3.4% of all anthropogenic global methane emissions and 11.1% of global livestock-related methane. The authors highlight a significant lack of corporate transparency, noting that 60% of these companies do not report total emissions across their value chain (Scope 3). The document calls for binding government targets for agricultural emissions and a systemic shift toward agroecological systems to meet the 1.5°C warming limit.

The global steel sector, responsible for approximately 7% of worldwide energy-related CO2 emissions, faces a critical transition period as 71% of coal-based blast furnace capacity will require reinvestment by 2030. The report highlights the disparity between current production methods—specifically the high emissions of Blast Furnace-Basic Oxygen Furnace (BF-BOF) versus Electric Arc Furnace (EAF)—and the massive investment required for enabling infrastructure, such as green hydrogen and CO2 pipelines. It advocates for a combination of upstream, midstream, and downstream policies, including Carbon Contracts for Difference (CCfDs) and Green Public Procurement (GPP), to avoid stranded assets and align the industry with a 1.5°C-compatible trajectory. Additionally, the Climate Bonds Initiative introduces sector-specific criteria to guide the certification of climate-aligned steel assets and companies.

The document establishes a framework for Coal Transition Mechanisms (CTMs) to ensure they deliver real emissions savings, align with 1.5°C goals, and support a just transition. It outlines eight specific guidelines across four 'stage gates': plant eligibility, transition pathways, social protection, and accountability. The framework is illustrated through a real-world case of ratepayer-backed bond securitization in the United States and hypothetical scenarios involving a sovereign sustainability-linked bond in Indonesia and a managed transition vehicle for an Independent Power Producer (IPP).

By 30 September 2022, cumulative global GSS+ debt topped USD3.5 trillion, with green bonds surpassing the USD2 trillion milestone. While Q3 2022 saw a decline in issuance volumes due to geopolitical and macroeconomic factors, the market remains dominated by EUR, USD, and CNY denominations. In the Middle East and Africa (MEA), the GSS+ market has reached USD33.2 billion, characterized by a high proportion of sustainability-linked bonds (SLBs) compared to the global average, reflecting the region's concentration of hard-to-abate sectors.

In 2019/20, Ethiopia's tracked climate finance averaged USD 1.7 billion per year, representing only 7% of its estimated annual needs of USD 25.3 billion. The landscape is heavily dominated by international public finance (92%), with a strong preference for grants (70%) and a focus on adaptation (56%) over mitigation (38%). While the Agriculture, Forestry and Other Land Use (AFOLU) sector received the most sectoral finance (29%), it remains underfunded relative to its 83% contribution to national GHG emissions. Significant barriers to private investment include a highly regulated financial sector, lack of a stock market, and unfavorable collateral policies for SMEs and small-holder farmers.

The policy brief argues that the USD 8.5 billion Just Energy Transition Partnership (JETP) in South Africa relies on a 'de-risking' model that prioritises private finance and Independent Power Producers (IPPs), shifting commercial risks to the state and consumers. This approach is criticised for potentially worsening South Africa's debt profile, increasing energy poverty through higher tariffs, and undermining local renewable energy manufacturing. The authors suggest alternatives including the regulation of PPPs, debt cancellation of 'odious debt' (such as World Bank loans for the Medupi plant), climate reparations, and the implementation of allocative green credit policies to direct investment toward productive, labour-intensive green industries.

The document critiques the South African JETP for prioritising blended finance and public-private partnerships (PPPs), which the authors argue shifts commercial risk to the state while privatising gains. It highlights how this model can increase energy poverty through higher tariffs and hinder local renewable energy manufacturing. The brief suggests alternatives such as regulating private finance, pursuing debt cancellation and climate reparations, and implementing allocative green credit policies.

The briefing challenges the narrative of natural gas as a climate solution, asserting that a global gas-based electricity system would be as harmful as one based on coal due to value chain emissions and methane's potency. It distinguishes between 'baseload' and 'peak' power, arguing that baseload plants are becoming obsolete as renewable penetration increases. While open-cycle gas turbines (OCGT) can provide necessary short-term flexibility to handle demand peaks, combined-cycle gas turbines (CCGT) lack the required agility and commercial viability in renewable-heavy grids. For long-term seasonal flexibility, the document cites IEA scenarios suggesting existing thermal plants and pumped-storage hydropower are sufficient, rendering new gas plants unnecessary. Reclaim Finance calls for financial actors to immediately cease all financial services supporting gas expansion, including new fields and LNG export terminals.

The 2022 Green Central Banking Scorecard evaluates G20 monetary and prudential authorities, finding that most remain insufficiently ambitious in mitigating climate risks. While research and advocacy have improved, the report argues that central banks prioritize analysis over action and are hindered by a commitment to 'market neutrality' and flawed taxonomies. The Banque de France is the top-ranked institution, while Saudi Arabia is the lowest. The report recommends implementing green lending schemes, increasing capital requirements for fossil fuel exposures, and adopting a 'double materiality' framework to account for the financial sector's impact on the environment.

The report argues that India's buildings sector must adopt an integrative whole-system approach to address both embodied and operational emissions. It highlights that building operations account for about a third of India's energy use, and without intervention, energy consumption could triple by 2050. The proposed framework prioritises reducing energy needs through passive design, serving those needs with super-efficient equipment, and transitioning to clean energy procurement and demand flexibility. Key recommendations include government mandates for net-zero public buildings, the adoption of carbon accounting for corporations, and the implementation of building performance standards to ensure actual operational efficiency.

The report estimates that the global military carbon footprint is approximately 5.5% of global emissions, which would make the global military sector the fourth largest national carbon footprint in the world, exceeding that of Russia. The authors argue that military emissions are systematically under-reported due to voluntary reporting obligations under the Paris Agreement and a lack of robust data collection. Using a methodology based on personnel numbers, stationary emissions, mobile-to-stationary ratios, and supply-chain multipliers, the study estimates operational GHG emissions (scopes 1 and 2) at approximately 500 MtCO2e, or 1.0% of global GHGs. The report notes these figures are conservative as they exclude the 'global military carbon bootprint'—emissions from warfighting impacts such as infrastructure damage and ecosystem destruction.

The Clean Air Task Force calls for COP27 leadership to move beyond prescribed solution sets toward 'region-centric flexibility' and 'technology optionality'. It emphasizes that climate strategies must align with national interests and energy security, particularly for emerging economies, while advocating for the deployment of a broad range of carbon-free technologies including nuclear, hydrogen, and carbon capture and storage to address hard-to-abate sectors.

The document argues that power grids must become the backbone of the energy system to achieve a carbon-neutral economy by 2050, transporting 50% or more of Europe's energy. It identifies critical barriers including underinvestment, lack of data transparency, inefficient connection queues, and fragmented system planning. Ember recommends shifting to a "first ready, first served" approach for grid connections, introducing clear investment incentives, and establishing an integrated, system-level planning framework coordinated by an independent body to ensure grid development anticipates rather than lags behind clean energy growth.

The statement by Friends of the Earth International calls for a shift from non-binding guidelines to legally binding regulations for multinational corporations. It highlights the failure of the UN Guiding Principles and advocates for an international treaty currently under negotiation at the UN, supported by national legislation. The text cites the French 'duty of vigilance' law and a proposed corporate and human rights framework in Brazil as key examples of progress toward corporate accountability.

Reclaim Finance expresses skepticism regarding Climate Finance Day 2022, arguing that major French banks and insurers are failing to align with scientific recommendations to end oil and gas expansion. While 15 investors have adopted exclusion policies, heavyweights like BNP Paribas and AXA are criticized for relying on decarbonization targets or limited exclusions rather than full exits from new fossil fuel projects.

The September 2022 Nord Stream pipeline ruptures may represent the largest single methane emitting event ever recorded, with potential losses exceeding 500 kilotonnes of methane. While the exact amount entering the atmosphere is difficult to calculate due to cloud cover, ocean dissolution, and the speed of the event, the climate impact is significant. However, the briefing notes that the oil and gas industry's annual fugitive emissions, flaring, and venting total 82 million tonnes, meaning the industry emits an equivalent amount to the Nord Stream leaks every day. The author argues that up to 85% of these emissions could be cut using existing technology and targeted policy.

The report provides a comparative analysis of far-right and radical right actors' strategies and linkages on established platforms versus alternative platforms like Telegram. It synthesizes methodological groundwork and empirical research to better understand the behavior of these actors and explores various data collection options for monitoring alternative platforms.

The document provides a summary of the 2021 expert conference "In the blind spot – How right-wing extremists use alternative online platforms for radicalisation," which was part of a project funded by the German Federal Ministry of Justice. The event brought together approximately 50 participants and livestream guests to discuss research, regulation, and law enforcement perspectives on digital right-wing extremism. Key discussion areas included the role of gaming communities, anti-feminist subcultures, cross-platform research challenges, and regulatory approaches to alternative platforms.