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ClientEarth argues that the MSFD has failed to achieve Good Environmental Status (GES) by its 2020 deadline and proposes a revision that turns GES into a binding 'obligation of result'. The response calls for clear, quantifiable EU-wide thresholds, the introduction of interim targets, and a strict non-deterioration obligation. It emphasizes the need for policy coherence between the MSFD and the proposed Ocean Act, as well as the alignment of fisheries management and climate obligations with marine protection. Furthermore, it advocates for dedicated funding streams and the introduction of robust compliance mechanisms, including access to justice, dissuasive penalties, and a right to compensation for damages resulting from breaches of the directive.

The report examines the growing instability of France's 'Cat-Nat' insurance regime, where the public reinsurer (CCR) is seeing its reserves deplete while private insurers maintain record profitability. It highlights an emerging insurability crisis for local authorities, particularly in overseas territories and northern France, and argues that the financial burden of climate change is unfairly shifted toward the public sector and policyholders. Reclaim Finance calls for a revision of the financial effort sharing to ensure that major listed insurers contribute more to prevention and repair.

Between September 1 and December 18, 2025, 22,158 lobbyist entries were recorded at the European Parliament, with private interests accounting for 59% of visits. The report highlights a pervasive presence of American lobbyists (95% presence rate) and fossil fuel representatives (87.5% presence rate), who utilized direct access and professional consultancies to influence the Omnibus I law. A case study on ExxonMobil reveals the company spent between €1.3 million and €1.7 million on consultancies alone in 2025 to target climate legislation. The analysis concludes that this lobbying effort, supported by a right-wing/far-right parliamentary majority, successfully secured the removal of climate transition plans from the legislation.

Between September 1 and December 18, 2025, the European Parliament recorded 22,158 lobbyist entries, with private interests accounting for 59% of these visits. The report highlights a disproportionate presence of US-based lobbyists and fossil fuel interests, who were present 87.5% of the time during the studied period. This influence was particularly concentrated around the negotiation of the Omnibus I law, which modified the Corporate Sustainability Due Diligence Directive (CSDDD) and the Corporate Sustainability Reporting Directive (CSRD). The analysis reveals that fossil fuel lobbyists often entered the Parliament without declared appointments to engage in informal interactions. A case study of ExxonMobil demonstrates a complex lobbying chain involving direct visits, professional consultancies, and trade associations, totaling over 650 entries in four months to push for the removal of climate transition plans.

The European Central Bank (ECB) will introduce a 'climate factor' on 15 June 2026 to adjust the valuation of marketable assets issued by non-financial corporations used as collateral. The factor penalizes assets tied to high-emission activities based on sector-specific stressors, issuer-specific climate scores, and asset maturity. Reclaim Finance argues the measure is a positive step but suffers from transparency gaps and a flawed annual calculation cycle that may misrepresent risks for short-term assets. The briefing recommends making climate factors public, automating calculations, and extending the framework to credit claims and other asset classes to ensure comprehensive integration of climate risks into monetary policy.

The global pipeline for wind and utility-scale solar projects grew by 11% in 2025, reaching 4.9 TW. While China and India lead in construction and prospective capacity, G7 nations show stagnant growth in their pipelines, creating a gap in meeting the COP28 goal to triple renewable energy capacity by 2030.

The Strait of Hormuz is a critical global energy chokepoint through which approximately 20% of the world's oil and LNG flows. Japan, South Korea, India, and China are the most exposed, collectively accounting for 75% of oil and 59% of LNG flows through the route. Japan is identified as the most at-risk country due to its extreme reliance on imported fossil fuels. A blockade could trigger global price surges, potentially pushing oil to USD 130 or even USD 300 per barrel. The document suggests that transitioning to renewables and electrification, as seen in Europe's response to the 2022 invasion of Ukraine, is essential to mitigate these geopolitical risks.

The document proposes tripartite contracts to address high electricity prices and market volatility in Europe, which currently hinder industrial decarbonisation. By placing a public contracting entity between clean energy generators and industrial consumers, these agreements aim to provide long-term revenue certainty for developers and fixed price certainty for industries. The brief highlights that while technologies for low- to medium-heat processes are ready, market gaps and electricity taxation remain barriers. It notes that the European Commission is developing such agreements for offshore wind, grids, and storage, drawing on practices from Spain, France, and Italy.

The document argues that fossil fuel companies use sports sponsorship and advertising to gain social license and normalize polluting consumption, which hinders climate policy. It calls for Norway to implement a ban on fossil fuel advertising, similar to restrictions on tobacco and alcohol, noting that a Klimakultur poll across seven countries shows majority support for such bans in winter sports due to concerns over snow loss.

The briefing asserts that authoritarian regimes, specifically Russia, China, and Iran, are using hybrid warfare to undermine trust in democratic institutions and divide liberal societies. It argues that current government responses are too siloed and reactive, failing to deliver results. To counter this, the author proposes three strategic pillars: establishing a comprehensive counter-hybrid doctrine that includes asymmetric and offensive capabilities, reorganizing government structures to enable holistic coordination and multi-stakeholder coalitions, and prioritizing strategic communications to outcompete authoritarian narratives both domestically and internationally.

A joint statement by industrial, research, and civil society organisations urging the European Commission to broaden the scope and ambition of the proposed Industrial Accelerator Act to better stimulate demand for low-carbon industrial products in Europe.

The document argues that biological threats can rapidly degrade military readiness, as seen during the COVID-19 pandemic. It evaluates three types of respiratory PPE—Filtering Facepiece Respirators (FFRs), Elastomeric Half-Mask Respirators (EHMRs), and Powered Air-Purifying Respirators (PAPRs)—based on protection, source control, wearability, and logistics. The author recommends a tiered approach: government-managed stockpiles of EHMRs for baseline protection, vendor-managed inventories of FFRs for high-volume use, and investment in flexible surge manufacturing capacity.

Clare Melford of the Global Disinformation Index (GDI) defends the organization's practice of tracking risky online content and foreign propaganda to inform advertisers. She argues that providing this data enables a free market where advertisers can choose which content to subsidize, countering U.S. government claims that such work constitutes coercion and censorship. Melford also asserts that independent content quality assessments will be critical for the sustainable development of generative artificial intelligence. The document includes statements of support for GDI from European leaders and institutions condemning the U.S. visa bans.

Reclaim Finance criticizes the Fonds de réserve pour les retraites (FRR) for its updated fossil fuel exclusion policy, asserting that it continues to support oil and gas expansion and lacks science-based criteria for selecting asset managers.

Reclaim Finance argues that the Fonds de réserve pour les retraites (FRR) continues to use public money to support fossil fuel expansion despite updating its exclusion policy. The FRR's new measures only target unconventional hydrocarbons and thermal coal, leaving conventional oil and gas investments intact. The document also highlights the FRR's failure to implement science-based criteria for selecting asset managers, noting that it continues to work with firms like BlackRock despite their climate records.

The 'Big Five' agricultural traders—ADM, Bunge, Cargill, COFCO, and LDC (collectively ABCCD)—dominate the global trade of staples like grains, corn, soy, and sugar, controlling 70% to 90% of the commercial grain trade. During the 2021-2022 food price surge, these companies saw net profits increase by 200% to 300% compared to the 2016-2020 average. The author contends that this was achieved through strategic market consolidation, vertical integration, and inter-company cooperation, often facilitated by the EU's restrictive competition policy, which focuses primarily on immediate consumer prices rather than cumulative social harm. The document highlights the recent approval of the $34 billion Bunge-Viterra merger as evidence of regulatory failure and advocates for a transition toward an economy based on degrowth and decarbonization to dismantle the incentives for market concentration.

The report highlights that 'next generation geothermal' technologies, such as Enhanced Geothermal Systems (EGS), have expanded the geographic viability of geothermal power beyond volcanic regions. In the EU, approximately 43 GW of capacity could be developed at costs below 100 €/MWh, potentially generating 301 TWh of electricity annually. While Europe has a strong historical foundation in geothermal energy, the report warns that the EU risks losing its leadership to the US and Canada due to slow permitting and a lack of coordinated policy frameworks. It also notes geothermal's potential to meet the rising energy demands of AI data centres and its ability to provide firm, low-carbon power and mineral recovery, such as lithium.

The document advocates for the introduction of wealth taxes in South Africa to combat inequality and fund socioeconomic rights. It challenges the notion that wealth taxes harm growth, arguing instead that redirecting wealth toward public spending can stimulate demand and investment. The brief recommends a combination of Financial Transaction Taxes (FTTs), increased dividend taxes, and a progressive net wealth tax, citing successful international examples from countries like France, Argentina, and Colombia.

The report documents a surge in anti-LGBTQ+ hate crimes, book bans, and restrictive legislation in Western countries, noting a convergence of extremist ideologies. It highlights how tech platforms exacerbate these harms through the rollback of protections, the overmoderation of LGBTQ+ content via AI and safety legislation, and the rise of coordinated harassment campaigns like 'transvestigation'.

ClientEarth argues that the proposed Ocean Act must move from 'paper commitments to real practice' by becoming a legally binding Regulation rather than a Directive. The organization advocates for the achievement of 'Good Environmental Status' (GES) under the Marine Strategy Framework Directive (MSFD) as the overarching objective, which would prioritize environmental thresholds over socio-economic goals. Key recommendations include establishing a legally binding target for 30% of EU seas as effectively managed Marine Protected Areas (MPAs) by 2030, banning bottom trawling in MPAs, and phasing out harmful fisheries subsidies. ClientEarth also proposes 'Ocean Mainstreaming' to integrate marine protection across all EU sectoral policies and calls for stronger enforcement mechanisms, including access to justice and infringement proceedings, to close the existing implementation gap.