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The document analyzes the ascent of the far right, highlighting its use of 'metapolitics' to shift cultural norms and its ability to capitalize on economic and social insecurities. It examines specific national contexts, such as Italy's media capture under Giorgia Meloni and the rise of Vlaams Belang in Flanders, while warning against 'conservative socialism' where left-wing parties adopt far-right rhetoric. The report concludes that defeating the far right requires a positive, inclusive vision of the future rather than mere imitation or moral condemnation.

The IPIE submission argues for the reduction of bureaucratic barriers and the strengthening of researcher rights under the Digital Services Act's data access framework. Based on a survey of scientific affiliates, the document identifies risks such as political capture of Digital Services Coordinators (DSCs), lack of transparency in data inventories, and restrictive interpretations of 'other sources' of data. Key recommendations include the implementation of a fast-track process for time-sensitive data, mandatory researcher participation in dispute settlements, and the requirement for DSCs to use English as a mandatory communication language to ensure cross-border scientific coordination.

The International Panel on the Information Environment (IPIE) recommends amending the European Commission's draft qualitative template for DSA transparency reports to better capture risk mitigation data. The IPIE argues that content moderation is fundamentally a risk mitigation measure and that transparency reports should explicitly include information on content labelling, corrective information, and the specific parameters of automated moderation tools. This would bridge the gap between general transparency obligations (Articles 15 and 42) and the systemic risk assessment requirements (Articles 34 and 35) for very large online platforms and search engines, facilitating faster access to data for scientific researchers.

The document provides a comprehensive framework for civil society organizations to address the rise of online antisemitism. It analyzes how digital platforms—including mainstream social media and 'alt-tech' sites—amplify hate speech, conspiracy theories, and Holocaust denial. The guide examines legislative approaches in Europe and North America, contrasting content-based regulations with systemic oversight. It concludes with actionable recommendations for civil society, focusing on policy advocacy, victim support, digital citizenship education, and the establishment of cross-community coalitions to increase resilience against extremist ideologies.

The report identifies a deepening crisis of online antisemitism in Europe, exacerbated by the October 7 attacks, which has led to significant psychological distress and a 'chilling effect' on Jewish participation in public life. It highlights systemic failures by social media platforms to enforce terms of service, a lack of capacity within law enforcement, and limited awareness of the Digital Services Act (DSA) among Jewish civil society. The document proposes a holistic strategy including mandatory education on contemporary antisemitism, improved algorithmic transparency, the designation of trusted flaggers under the DSA, and the development of trauma-informed reporting mechanisms.

The document examines how the global gaming industry's social features and design vulnerabilities are exploited by extremist and malign actors. It analyzes the applicability of major regulations like the EU's Digital Services Act and the UK's Online Safety Act to gaming companies and recommends increased data transparency, consistent policy enforcement, and 'Safety by Design' principles to mitigate harms.

The document evaluates various digital interventions to protect elections, including content moderation, algorithmic adjustments, and transparency measures. It highlights a significant gap in data access for researchers and a geographic imbalance in mitigation efforts, which primarily focus on Western contexts. The authors argue for a multi-stakeholder approach and standardized data access to improve the efficacy of electoral safeguarding.

The report analyzes how Russian propaganda has shifted from official state media to semi-covert tactics to bypass EU sanctions, while maintaining significant reach in the MENA region and Latin America. It identifies key vulnerabilities in the Western alliance—including economic stagnation in Germany, US isolationism, and the rise of far-right parties in the EU—that the Kremlin is likely to exploit. Additionally, it examines how Russia instrumentalizes the Israel-Hamas conflict to portray Western 'double standards' and promote a multipolar world order.

The report examines the energy landscapes of seven southern African states, highlighting a stark divide between vast renewable energy potential and a continued reliance on fossil fuels or traditional biomass. While most surveyed countries have established renewable energy targets and some have liberalized their energy markets, the transition is often hindered by governance challenges, high rural-urban electricity gaps, and the pursuit of new oil and gas reserves. The document advocates for an 'energy justice' framework to ensure that the shift to low-carbon energy is inclusive, transparent, and protects the rights of marginalized communities and future generations.

The Republic of Cyprus joined the EU on 1 May 2004 and the eurozone on 1 January 2008. Unlike other 2004 enlargement states, its primary motivations were national security and gaining leverage to resolve the Cyprus dispute rather than economic development. While the political goal of resolving the island's division remains unfulfilled, membership provided critical financial stability during the 2012-2013 sovereign debt crisis via the European Stability Mechanism. The authors argue that Cyprus's 'partial' model of integration, where the EU acquis is suspended in areas without government control, serves as a potential blueprint for future EU enlargements involving divided territories.

The document argues that EU readmission agreements are often ineffective because they lack incentives aligned with the national interests of partner countries. Using Nigeria as a case study, it highlights how the decoupling of visa facilitation from readmission agreements has hindered negotiations. The authors recommend that the EU shift toward a 'responsibility sharing' framework that includes legal migration channels and reintegration support rather than focusing narrowly on returns.

The report examines how Indonesia navigates the rivalry between US-led market-driven digital norms and China's government-centric approach. While Indonesia relies heavily on foreign hardware and cloud services, it leverages its democratic values, the Pancasila ideology, and an independent foreign policy to maintain agency. The study identifies a 'digital norms cycle' in Indonesia, moving from the emergence of norms via foreign 'norm entrepreneurs' to internalization through national frameworks, though it notes significant challenges in digital literacy, budget, and infrastructure.

The policy brief argues that achieving the EU's climate goals requires a rapid reorientation of private finance, as the current 'clean energy:fossil fuel' finance ratio for major EU banks is only 1.6:1. Reclaim Finance proposes four key measures: mandating a 6:1 investment ratio in clean energy versus fossil fuels by 2030, requiring robust and binding climate transition plans aligned with a 1.5°C trajectory, prohibiting financial services for new fossil fuel production projects based on the 'do no significant harm' (DNSH) principle, and urging the European Central Bank to offer preferential refinancing rates for sustainable activities, such as energy-efficient building renovations.

The document reveals that between 2015 and 2023, the Indonesian government distributed approximately Rp179 trillion in biodiesel subsidies to 29 companies across 15 corporate groups, with a heavy concentration of funds among a few large entities. It identifies 17 Politically Exposed Persons (PEPs)—including former high-ranking police, military, and judicial officials—within the ownership or management structures of these groups, specifically highlighting Jhonlin Group, Sinar Mas, and Wilmar. The report argues that the presence of PEPs may influence the allocation of subsidies and suggests a lack of transparency in the mandatory biodiesel program, while noting that the industry remains dominated by large palm oil corporations despite the subsidies being funded by export levies from the broader palm oil sector.

The 'Business Action Checklists' by the We Mean Business Coalition offers a practical framework for companies to decarbonize core operations within two to five years. It focuses on three primary areas: logistics, fleet management, and business travel, providing step-by-step guidance from initial energy measurement and auditing to the implementation of zero-emission vehicles (ZEVs) and sustainable travel policies. The document emphasizes a 'start now, improve over time' approach, prioritizing the reduction of energy demand and the continuous improvement of data quality to manage transition risks and enhance competitiveness.

The document outlines a systematic approach to integrating sustainability reporting into a company's existing financial reporting governance. It advocates for the use of the IIA's Three Lines Model to segregate roles between operational management, risk oversight, and independent audit. The guide details an annual cycle of control activities—including materiality assessments, risk assessments of material misstatement, and the creation of control catalogues and Standard Operating Procedures (SOPs)—to ensure sustainability disclosures meet the rigor of financial statements and align with global standards like ISSB and CSRD.

The WWF Markets Institute report outlines key surprises from 2023, including the rapid reach of AI and progress on global plastics, while highlighting systemic risks to the food system from climate change. It argues for a shift toward 'true cost' market mechanisms, the adoption of soil microbiology science, and the use of next-generation genetics to replace chemical inputs. The report emphasizes the need for better Scope 3 emissions traceability, the rehabilitation of stranded assets, and the creation of pre-competitive knowledge-sharing platforms to build global food system resilience.

The EU ETS for aviation currently covers intra-EEA flights, with a potential expansion to global flights pending a 2026 evaluation of ICAO's CORSIA. A key reform is the gradual phase-out of free allowances, with airlines paying for all emissions by 2026. The system is also introducing monitoring for non-CO2 emissions and providing 20 million free allowances until 2030 to support sustainable aviation fuel (SAF) uptake.

The author contends that the EU's current climate finance is insufficient compared to its historical responsibility for emissions and its domestic spending. While the EU aims for carbon neutrality, the text argues this creates a 'green fortress' that neglects the needs of vulnerable nations. It suggests reallocating fossil fuel subsidies and implementing taxes on polluters to fund global climate action and warns that the Carbon Border Adjustment Mechanism (CBAM) could economically penalize African exporters.

The CJEU ruled on March 2, 2023, that Polish law violated EU biodiversity conservation laws and the Aarhus Convention by preventing the public from challenging forest management plans in court. The Court determined that such plans, when they significantly affect Natura 2000 sites, constitute 'decisions' under the Aarhus Convention, granting environmental NGOs access to judicial review. While the ruling specifically addresses plans impacting protected sites, the author notes that other plans may still be challengeable under Article 9(3) of the Aarhus Convention if they contravene national environmental law.