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The paper argues that civil society organisations (CSOs) should not dismiss parliaments as 'rubber stamps' but instead build strategic partnerships with individual members of parliament (MPs). It emphasizes the importance of understanding electoral systems to identify independent-minded MPs, providing high-quality non-partisan research to resource-poor legislators, and cultivating 'champions' within the governing party. The author highlights that credibility and public legitimacy—built through community rooting and financial transparency—are more valuable than funding when influencing policy. Practical guidance is provided on lobbying, media engagement, and monitoring MP performance through 'report cards' to drive accountability during elections.

The document outlines how civil society organizations (CSOs) can move beyond the perception of parliaments as rubber-stamp bodies to actively influence policy. It emphasizes the importance of understanding electoral systems—noting that single-member districts often produce more independent legislators—and the necessity of providing non-partisan, evidence-based information to resource-constrained parliamentarians. The author advocates for building long-term relationships with 'champions' within the ruling party, maintaining organizational transparency to ensure credibility, and using media and public pressure to support legislative goals.

The workshop examined how elections in Africa often serve as sources of conflict due to poor management, weak institutional frameworks, and the manipulation of state power by ruling parties. Participants discussed the role of regional bodies like ECOWAS and SADC, the limitations of the African Charter on Democracy, Elections and Governance, and the specific failures of Zimbabwe's 2008 elections. The event concluded with recommendations for strengthening the African Union's role in election observation and the need for national constitutional reforms aligned with continental frameworks.

The document details the efforts of the Open Democracy Advice Centre (ODAC) to influence South Africa's African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM) process between 2004 and 2008. It argues that the South African government attempted to control the process by excluding specialist NGOs, staffing the National Governing Council (NGC) with government officials, and conducting final drafting of the Country Self-Assessment Report (CSAR) and Programme of Action (POA) behind closed doors. Despite these obstacles, ODAC successfully lobbied for the inclusion of access to information and whistleblower protection in the final binding POA, although the authors note that many of their specific detailed recommendations were omitted.

The report details the struggle of the Open Democracy Advice Centre (ODAC) to integrate transparency and anti-corruption safeguards into South Africa's African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM) process. Despite facing government attempts to control the process and exclude specialized NGOs, ODAC successfully lobbied for the inclusion of access to information and whistleblower protection in the final Plan of Action (PA). The document highlights systemic issues in the South African process, including the over-representation of government officials in the National Governance Council and the opaque nature of final document revisions.

The document examines the 'education crisis' in Sub-Saharan Africa, arguing that the narrow focus on the UN Millennium Development Goals' target of universal primary education has compromised teaching quality and diverted funds from secondary and tertiary levels. It highlights critical barriers to progress, including the HIV/AIDS epidemic, severe teacher shortages, outdated colonial curricula, and gender disparities. The report contends that without systemic reforms—including better teacher training, increased investment in science and mathematics, and a shift toward vocational and secondary education—the region will remain economically marginalised and unable to compete globally.

The paper examines the tendency of executive branches in Africa to monopolize power, attributing this to inherited colonial structures and a lack of institutional capacity. It highlights how the African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM) has exposed these governance deficiencies. The author argues that while formal separation of powers exists, it is undermined by political realities and a culture of the 'Big Man'. To counter this, the document advocates for empowering civil society with information to hold the executive accountable and bolstering the independence and resources of the legislature and judiciary.

The document analyzes the tendency of executive branches in African governments to monopolize power, often resulting in the 'big man' cult of personality. It argues that while constitutional frameworks for the separation of powers exist, they are frequently undermined by political realities, lack of resources, and colonial legacies. The author suggests that effective legislative and judicial bodies, supported by an informed and active civil society, are essential to curbing executive abuse and ensuring good governance.

The paper examines the systemic instability of Africa's largest states—specifically Nigeria, the DRC, Ethiopia, Sudan, and Angola—noting that their size and complexity often lead to economic failure, administrative collapse, and regional destabilization. It contrasts these with South Africa's relative stability and smaller African states' better economic performance. The author critiques the international community's adherence to territorial integrity and generic federalism, suggesting instead a realism that accepts potential partition, prioritizes state-building before democracy, and deploys more decisive peacekeeping forces.

The author contends that Africa requires a leadership group of its strongest nations—similar to the G8—to drive economic growth, enforce good governance, and attract investment. The text highlights that while the continent grew at 3.5% from 1995 to 2002, a growth rate of at least 8% is necessary for sustainable development and poverty alleviation. The author emphasizes the need for a 'virtual global African economic community' involving both the continent and its diaspora to create a $1 trillion market, urging the leading nations to move beyond the ineffective principle of non-interference and instead lead through the African Union and Nepad.

The author contends that malaria control in Africa is hindered by donor agencies and UN bodies that prioritize ineffective measures, such as insecticide-treated nets, over proven methods like Indoor Residual Spraying (IRS) using DDT. The text highlights the success of 'vertical' health programs in Southern African countries and criticizes the influence of the environmental movement and decentralized health systems on public health outcomes. It calls for a science-based approach that integrates IRS and Artemisinin-based combination therapy (ACT) to reduce malaria mortality and morbidity.

China is evolving from a 'studied passivity' in the UN Security Council to a more assertive role, driven by the need to protect its economic interests and enhance its global reputation. This shift is most evident in Africa, where Beijing has moved from opposing international intervention to supporting UN peacekeeping operations and Chapter VII resolutions in Sudan and Somalia. While China maintains a formal commitment to national sovereignty, it increasingly adopts a case-by-case approach to intervention to secure energy assets and maintain its image as a 'responsible stakeholder'.

The document analyzes China's strategy of accessing previously untapped natural resources in Africa, often in ecologically fragile areas with weak governance. It highlights the central role of the China Exim Bank in financing large-scale infrastructure and extractive projects, noting a historical lack of adherence to international environmental standards. Using the Merowe Dam in Sudan as a primary case study, the author illustrates significant social and environmental failures. While the Chinese government has begun introducing social and environmental guidelines and 'green credit' policies, the report warns that stricter domestic regulations may inadvertently encourage the relocation of polluting industries to Africa.

The document identifies that 76% of the sub-Saharan African population relies on traditional biomass for cooking, leading to deforestation, indoor air pollution, and gender inequality. It argues that while clean fuels like LPG, ethanol, and biogas offer significant health and environmental benefits, their adoption is stifled by high costs, lack of infrastructure, and socio-cultural preferences. The authors recommend national government intervention through targeted subsidies, the creation of clean cooking fuel bureaus, and the development of local sustainable energy resources for rural areas.

The document provides an update on the African Standby Force (ASF), a multidisciplinary force designed for rapid deployment in peace support operations across Africa. While significant progress has been made in developing doctrine, standard operating procedures, and training, the author notes that the project has failed to meet its original ambitious timelines. Key obstacles include severe logistical deficits, a lack of leadership and staffing at the African Union (AU) level, and a heavy reliance on external funding and technical expertise from international donors. The paper details the varying levels of readiness across five African regions and argues for a more integrated partnership between the AU and the UN to ensure sustainable security operations.

The report assesses a US$2 million Japanese ODA project coordinated by UNICEF to provide health, nutrition, and shelter services to 200,000 returnees in Acholiland, northern Uganda. It finds that the project successfully improved access to basic services for women and children, aligning with the Tokyo International Conference on African Development (TICAD) goals of human security. Key achievements include the rehabilitation of ten health centres, the distribution of 10,000 insecticide-treated nets, and the training of 2,000 community health volunteers. However, the report notes constraints such as communication breakdowns in the distribution chain and delays caused by 2007 floods.

The Africa Human Security Initiative (AHSI) is organizing a workshop in Nairobi on May 7, 2008, focusing on internally displaced persons (IDPs) in the Greater Horn of Africa. The document argues that IDPs are a highly vulnerable population often neglected by states due to conceptual debates, lack of political will, and the non-binding nature of the Guiding Principles on Internal Displacement. It highlights the scale of the issue, noting that in 2004, IDP numbers in three specific countries far exceeded refugee numbers in five. The workshop aims to map displacement, assess government capacity, and develop a regional policy document and strategic action plan for managing displacement crises.

The report examines the early experiences of five African nations implementing the African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM). It highlights a tension between government-led processes and the need for independent civil society oversight to ensure candid self-assessments. While Ghana is praised for its independent governing council and robust research, Kenya's experience warns of civil society fragmentation and personal gain. Rwanda's process is noted for being heavily government-driven in a restrictive political climate, and Mauritius is presented as a case of failure due to a lack of political will and institutional capacity. South Africa's process is critiqued for unrealistic timelines and government attempts to sanitize findings, though it is noted for its extensive use of the internet and indigenous languages for outreach.

The briefing examines China's policy of offering duty-free treatment to 440 products from 30 African LDCs. While the scheme is tailored to existing export capacities, the author argues its economic impact is modest compared to its symbolic diplomatic value in signaling China's rise as a great power and alternative to Western donors.

The document examines the proposal for a Union Government for Africa, analyzing the tension between 'maximalists' who seek immediate establishment and 'gradualists' who prioritize regional integration. It explores the role of the African Union (AU), Regional Economic Communities (RECs), and the African Diaspora in this process. Key discussions focus on defining domains of competence, managing national sovereignty, financing mechanisms, and the necessity of including civil society and gender perspectives to ensure a people-driven union.