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The report examines the role of Energy Service Companies (ESCOs) in promoting energy efficiency in developing countries. While the ESCO model—where remuneration is linked to energy savings—has succeeded in developed nations and recently in China, it faces significant hurdles elsewhere. Key barriers include limited access to financing, high transaction costs, government policy disincentives such as energy subsidies, and a lack of technical and financial human resources. The document details the impact of international agencies like the World Bank and domestic government programs in countries such as Brazil, India, and South Korea. It recommends a combination of loan guarantees, the elimination of energy price subsidies, the creation of standardized contracts, and the development of domestic commercial banking capacity to sustain the industry.

The document examines the 'major loophole' in the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) regarding the lack of a clear judicial mechanism to compensate Southern Sudanese communities for environmental degradation caused by oil companies. It details the adverse impacts of oil production—including water contamination, soil erosion, and mass displacement—and analyzes the overlapping and often conflicting jurisdictions of the Government of National Unity (GNU) and the Government of Southern Sudan (GoSS). The author argues that while the CPA guarantees compensation, the absence of specific environmental laws and the political nature of the National Petroleum Commission (NPC) leave victims without recourse. The paper recommends the urgent enactment of interim environmental laws and the use of existing regional judiciaries to fill the legal vacuum before the 2011 referendum.

The report finds that IOI Corporation is failing to meet its sustainability commitments in Ketapang, West Kalimantan. Evidence shows the company developed plantations without approved Environmental Impact Assessments, made fraudulent statements about physical activity on the ground, and encroached on permanent forests and peat lands. Additionally, the report notes a significant increase in fire hotspots in newly cleared areas and potential for land rights conflicts with local villagers.

The Treaty of Pelindaba establishes Africa as a nuclear-weapon-free zone, prohibiting the research, development, stationing, and testing of nuclear explosive devices. Entered into force on 15 July 2009, the treaty requires parties to renounce nuclear weapons, prohibit the dumping of radioactive waste, and maintain high security standards for nuclear facilities. Compliance is managed by the African Commission on Nuclear Energy (AFCONE), and verification of peaceful nuclear activities is conducted through comprehensive safeguards agreements with the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA). The treaty includes three protocols to ensure the cooperation of nuclear-weapon states and those controlling territories within the zone.

Heather Creech, representing the IISD at the 2009 Internet Governance Forum, supports the renewal of the IGF's mandate for another five years but argues that the forum has been insufficiently inclusive. She specifically highlights the lack of representation for civil society concerns regarding the environment, social development, and economic development, urging that any mandate renewal include a directive to broaden stakeholder engagement.

The author proposes that Africa establish an informal 'club of states' similar to the G8 or G20 to address continental challenges and represent Africa globally. The brief argues that formal institutions like the African Union (AU) are hindered by a commitment to equality among states and resistance to reform, which leads to weak compromises. To achieve effectiveness, the author suggests an 'A5 Club' consisting of South Africa, Nigeria, Angola, Ethiopia, and Kenya, with Egypt as a possible sixth member. This group would be based on 'effectiveness and capabilities' rather than democratic legitimacy, aiming to stabilise failing states, end conflicts, and steer AU political processes.

The research paper analyzes Germany's engagement with the Clean Development Mechanism (CDM) up to July 2009, arguing that both the global mechanism and German state policy prioritize the quantity of Certified Emission Reductions (CERs) over the quality of sustainable development. The author finds that German projects are heavily concentrated in Asia, particularly China and India, and are dominated by large-scale industrial 'end-of-pipe' projects that offer minimal sustainable development benefits. The document concludes that the German government uses the CDM primarily as a tool for economic and export promotion rather than as a means to achieve genuine climate and development goals, thereby 'abusing' the mechanism's original purpose.

The report analyzes the complex relationship between Egypt and the Sudan (North and South) ahead of the 2011 Southern Sudan referendum. It highlights Egypt's strategic interests in Nile water security, regional stability, and trade, while warning that a flawed referendum or failed secession negotiations could lead to renewed civil war or state collapse. The document argues that Egypt must move beyond its preference for Sudanese unity to constructively engage with both Northern and Southern Sudanese entities to ensure a peaceful transition and maintain its influence in the Nile Basin.

The report finds that Hamas maintained the general structure of Palestinian Authority (PA) institutions to ensure constitutional continuity, though it replaced many management-level officials with loyalists. To survive the Israeli-Egyptian embargo, Hamas established a 'tunnel economy' based on smuggled goods and created its own taxation systems. Public services in health and education were maintained through a pragmatic 'division of labour' with the Fatah-led government in Ramallah, which continued to pay salaries for most staff. However, the judiciary was completely restructured into a parallel apparatus. While some conservative cultural shifts were observed, the report concludes that Hamas's actions reflect power politics and crisis management rather than a grand 'Islamic revolution' or a total redesign of government based on religious principles.

The document examines the link between 'communication poverty' and social exclusion, asserting that access to information is a fundamental human right necessary for poverty reduction. It highlights how women are doubly disadvantaged by gendered poverty and limited media representation. The guide advocates for a shift in mass media reporting to include poverty-related issues and promotes 'citizens' media'—such as blogs and podcasts—as a means for marginalized groups to challenge power dynamics. It provides global examples of communication projects in Mexico, Fiji, Argentina, Egypt, Mongolia, Congo, Colombia, and Uganda that use audiovisuals and ICTs to address environmental, health, and social justice issues.

Egypt faces significant threats to national security and competitiveness due to climate change, specifically regarding energy, water, and food security. The authors present SEKEM, a company using biodynamic agriculture and a Sustainability Balanced Scorecard, as a private-sector model for adaptation and mitigation. The paper advocates for a national 'Green Transformation' in Egypt that integrates technologies and policies across sectors to ensure long-term resilience and job creation.

The document examines the 'double incarnation' of Libyan foreign policy under Muammar Qaddafi. From 1970 to the mid-1990s, Libya focused on pan-Arabism and frequently destabilized African nations by supporting rebel groups in Chad, Sudan, Liberia, and Sierra Leone. Since the late 1990s, Tripoli shifted toward pan-Africanism, playing a central role in the establishment of the African Union (AU) and the Community of Sahel and Saharan States (CEN-SAD). The paper details Libya's efforts to act as a peace broker, specifically in the Chad-Sudan conflict, and its use of 'chequebook diplomacy' through development aid and capital investments via companies like LAAICO and LAFICO.

The report examines domestic policy reforms in developing countries focused on price reform, energy efficiency, and low-carbon fuels to mitigate climate change. It analyzes the political and economic barriers to price reform, the necessity of legal frameworks and specialized agencies for energy efficiency, and the role of financial incentives and standards. The document also evaluates the use of input, output, outcome, and impact indicators for monitoring, reporting, and verification (MRV) of Nationally Appropriate Mitigation Actions (NAMAs), concluding that only impact indicators provide a reliable basis for financial rewards, despite significant data gaps in developing countries.

The report evaluates the alignment of Multilateral Development Bank (MDB) investments in the electricity sector with sustainable, low-carbon development. It proposes a framework consisting of policies (such as integrated energy planning and subsidy reform) and institutional capacities (including regulatory transparency and stakeholder engagement). A review of loans from the World Bank, Asian Development Bank (ADB), and Inter-American Development Bank (IDB) between 2006 and 2008 reveals that while some projects are comprehensive, many MDB interventions lack consistency in addressing integrated planning, transparency, and stakeholder engagement. The report highlights that comprehensive support is often concentrated in countries with already favorable domestic policies, such as Mexico, and recommends that MDBs more consistently integrate climate-friendly policy and regulatory support into their core electricity financing.

The document analyzes Egypt's wind energy potential, focusing on the Gulf of Suez, and compares the levelized costs of wind generation against natural gas CCGT. It identifies the primary barrier to expansion as a subsidized natural gas pricing system that makes wind uncompetitive. The report outlines five necessary conditions for large-scale implementation, including a clear long-term strategy, a revised tariff system, and grid reinforcement plans, while discussing the role of the proposed New Electricity Law in attracting private investment.

The document examines the historical and political drivers of violence in the Nuba Mountains of Sudan, specifically contrasting the conflict formation of the 1980s with the post-2005 Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) era. It argues that while resource scarcity is often cited as a cause of Sahelian conflict, the violence in the Nuba Mountains is rooted in a long history of systemic marginalisation by an Arab-Muslim dominated state hierarchy. The author details the role of the National Islamic Front (NIF) in launching a 'jihad' against the Nuba in the 1990s, involving forced Islamisation and the use of 'murahaleen' militias. The paper concludes that the CPA has failed to address Nuba demands for self-determination, leaving the region volatile ahead of the 2010 elections.

The document serves as a framework for a workshop hosted by the Institute for Security Studies (ISS) in Mombasa, Kenya, in September 2009. It argues that climate change, water scarcity, and energy deficits are critical drivers of conflict and underdevelopment in Africa. The paper highlights the Nile River Basin as a primary area of concern due to the lack of a comprehensive agreement binding all riparian states and the increasing competition for water resources among growing populations. It identifies the vulnerability of pastoralist communities to drought and the inadequacy of the African Union's response to climate change. The workshop aims to develop strategies for the joint management of water resources, assess the 'Helsinki Rules' for international water utilization, and explore the role of international actors and civil society in preventing water-related conflicts.

The speech highlights the devastating effects of climate change on water resources in Kenya and Africa, noting increased droughts and water rationing. It discusses the drivers of water scarcity, including population growth and pollution, and addresses the resulting conflicts between pastoralists and agrarian communities. Regarding transboundary waters, the speaker emphasizes the need for a fair framework in the Nile Basin, criticizing colonial-era agreements and calling for cooperation between upstream and downstream states to ensure sustainable development.

The China-Africa Toolkit analyzes the evolution of China's relations with Africa, focusing on trade, investment, and development cooperation. It details the shift from ideological support to economic pragmatism, the role of the Forum for China-Africa Cooperation (FOCAC), and the specific financial instruments used by Beijing, such as the 'Angola mode' of infrastructure-for-resources deals.

The L’Aquila Summit focused on coordinating a 'green global recovery' and addressing the 2008 financial crisis. Key achievements included a G8 commitment to reduce developed country emissions by 80% or more by 2050 and the establishment of the Heiligendamm – L’Aquila Process (HAP) to formalize ties with the G5. While the summit failed to secure a global 50% emissions reduction target by 2050, it advanced agreements on food security and non-proliferation.