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The document examines the persistence of a 'predatory political and governance culture' in the DRC, tracing it from the colonial era and Mobutu's dictatorship through the 2003–2006 transition. It finds that power-sharing arrangements under the Sun City Agreement effectively removed checks and balances, enabling widespread looting of state assets, mining resources, and public funds. Despite the introduction of new anti-corruption laws and the creation of bodies like the Ethics and Anti-Corruption Commission (CELC), these efforts failed due to a lack of political will, institutional dysfunction, and a reliance on donor-driven initiatives without local ownership.

The document is a publication catalog from the WRI Institutions and Governance Program, detailing research on the structure and outcomes of natural resource decentralizations. It lists reports, journal articles, and working papers stemming from a 2001 comparative project and subsequent initiatives focused on institutional choice, recognition, and commodity chain analysis. The research covers a wide array of countries across Africa, Asia, and Latin America, examining the intersection of local democracy, property rights, and environmental governance.

The briefing argues that Zimbabwe's political crisis, characterized by contested elections and state power abuse, necessitates a transitional government. Unlike a government of national unity, a transitional government acts as a short-term caretaker to draft a new constitution and create an environment for free and fair elections. The author proposes an inclusive body comprising more than just the MDC and Zanu-PF, potentially with Robert Mugabe remaining as president under strict checks and balances, supported by expanded mediation from SADC, the AU, and the UN, as well as international civilian peacekeepers.

The briefing argues that Zimbabwe's political crisis and the contested re-election of Robert Mugabe in June 2008 necessitate a transitional government rather than a government of national unity. It defines a transitional government as a short-term caretaker authority tasked with drafting a new constitution and preparing for legitimate elections. The author proposes a one-year mandate for an inclusive body comprising more than just the MDC and Zanu-PF, supported by expanded mediation from SADC, the AU, and the UN, as well as international civilian peacekeepers.

The report evaluates how conservation efforts for mountain gorillas in the Virunga-Bwindi region interact with local and regional conflict dynamics. Through three case studies—a community campground upgrade, a land purchase for a buffer zone, and transboundary collaboration—the study identifies how interventions can either exacerbate tensions through unequal benefit-sharing and poor communication or foster peace through participatory management and regional cooperation. It provides a framework for Peace and Conflict Impact Assessments (PCIA) and recommends integrating conflict sensitivity into project planning, implementation, and monitoring to ensure conservation activities 'do no harm' and actively contribute to peacebuilding.

The research paper examines how organised crime networks, particularly those from the former Eastern Bloc, operate with impunity in African conflict zones by using front companies, tax havens, and corrupt political links. It details the activities of Leonid Minin and Victor Bout, who are alleged to have trafficked weapons and minerals in countries like Liberia, Sierra Leone, and the DRC. The author argues that law enforcement is hampered by weak national legislation, poor international coordination, and the lack of criminal sanctions for sanctions-busting, though it suggests that post-9/11 anti-terrorism frameworks may offer new opportunities for disrupting these networks.

The paper argues that foreign direct investment in Africa is often driven by natural resources rather than good governance or low corruption. While countries with poor governance rankings often attract significant FDI, the author contends that sound governance is necessary for long-term resource management and sustainable economic growth.

The report identifies political instability, crumbling infrastructure, a severe credit crunch, and the absence of the rule of law as the primary barriers to African economic development. It argues that while large-scale projects are often prioritized, the immediate economic payoff lies in the regular maintenance of existing transport and utility services and the reform of legal systems to protect property rights and enforce contracts. The document highlights a critical funding gap, noting that while Africa requires $64 billion in investments to meet growth targets, donors provide only about $14 billion annually. Corruption is identified as a pervasive corrosive force, with 52% of surveyed business organisations stating that bribes are necessary to open a business.

The document discusses how the 2004 foiled coup attempt in Equatorial Guinea illustrates the danger of unemployed former soldiers and guerrilla fighters in Africa. It highlights the failure of disarmament, demobilisation and reintegration programmes to provide viable livelihoods for ex-combatants, specifically noting high unemployment among former South African Defense Force members. The text further argues that existing legal frameworks, such as the African Union's 1977 Convention and South Africa's 1998 Regulation of Foreign Military Assistance Act, are insufficient to curb mercenary activity amidst a global rise in private military services.

The report identifies a disconnect between government priorities and the needs of the business sector in Africa, highlighting corruption and infrastructure failure as primary barriers to growth. Based on dialogues with 56 business organisations and five studies, it asserts that stability in Africa is dependent on prosperity, which requires improvements in property rights, the rule of law, and power reliability.

The paper examines the systemic instability of Africa's largest states—specifically Nigeria, the DRC, Ethiopia, Sudan, and Angola—noting that their size and complexity often lead to economic failure, administrative collapse, and regional destabilization. It contrasts these with South Africa's relative stability and smaller African states' better economic performance. The author critiques the international community's adherence to territorial integrity and generic federalism, suggesting instead a realism that accepts potential partition, prioritizes state-building before democracy, and deploys more decisive peacekeeping forces.

The author contends that Africa requires a leadership group of its strongest nations—similar to the G8—to drive economic growth, enforce good governance, and attract investment. The text highlights that while the continent grew at 3.5% from 1995 to 2002, a growth rate of at least 8% is necessary for sustainable development and poverty alleviation. The author emphasizes the need for a 'virtual global African economic community' involving both the continent and its diaspora to create a $1 trillion market, urging the leading nations to move beyond the ineffective principle of non-interference and instead lead through the African Union and Nepad.

The paper examines the rapid growth of China-Africa relations, noting that while Chinese investment and debt forgiveness are welcomed, the relationship is often asymmetrical. It suggests that African leaders should adopt a pragmatic approach—inspired by Deng Xiaoping's reforms—to negotiate better terms, including technology transfer, local labour requirements, and preferential trade agreements. The author advocates for using the China-Africa Co-operation Forum to establish a formal code of conduct and a civil society forum to hold Beijing accountable for its commitments regarding human rights, arms trafficking, and fair trade.

The document examines the precarious state of opposition politics in Africa, using the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) in Zimbabwe as a primary example of the 'lose-lose scenario' faced by opposition parties. It argues that while many African nations have nominally transitioned to democracy, ruling parties often undermine fair elections through biased laws, violence, and media bans. Additionally, the text highlights internal failures within opposition groups, such as frequent splintering and a lack of strategic maturity, which hinder their ability to challenge dominant party systems.

The briefing examines the vulnerability of the Mugabe regime in Zimbabwe, noting that while the state faces a severe economic crisis and internal fissures within the ruling Zanu (PF) party, it remains resilient due to the lack of a foreign military threat and the inability of the internal opposition (MDC) to mobilize effective mass action.

The paper examines the challenges of doing business in Africa, noting that political instability and corruption deter investment. It highlights South Africa's position as a leading non-oil and gas investor in Africa, with firms investing an average of $1.4 billion annually since 1991. While some local businesses fear South African domination, the author argues that these investments introduce new technologies, increase consumer choice, and serve as a catalyst for broader international confidence in African markets.

China is evolving from a 'studied passivity' in the UN Security Council to a more assertive role, driven by the need to protect its economic interests and enhance its global reputation. This shift is most evident in Africa, where Beijing has moved from opposing international intervention to supporting UN peacekeeping operations and Chapter VII resolutions in Sudan and Somalia. While China maintains a formal commitment to national sovereignty, it increasingly adopts a case-by-case approach to intervention to secure energy assets and maintain its image as a 'responsible stakeholder'.

The address argues that the International Criminal Court (ICC) is a vital tool for upholding the rule of law and ending impunity for gross human rights violations in Africa. While noting that 30 African states have ratified the Rome Statute, the speaker highlights that all current ICC cases originate from Africa and emphasizes the need for collaboration between the ICC, the African Union, and civil society to achieve substantive justice and lasting peace.

The document provides an update on the African Standby Force (ASF), a multidisciplinary force designed for rapid deployment in peace support operations across Africa. While significant progress has been made in developing doctrine, standard operating procedures, and training, the author notes that the project has failed to meet its original ambitious timelines. Key obstacles include severe logistical deficits, a lack of leadership and staffing at the African Union (AU) level, and a heavy reliance on external funding and technical expertise from international donors. The paper details the varying levels of readiness across five African regions and argues for a more integrated partnership between the AU and the UN to ensure sustainable security operations.

Since 1994, South Africa has acted as a primary catalyst for African integration, leveraging its economic dominance and diplomatic efforts to promote the 'African Renaissance'. While it leads in conflict resolution and institutional building through the AU and SADC, it faces tensions regarding its perceived 'big brother' role and a persistent trade imbalance with other African states. Its global role involves representing African interests in the G20 and UN Security Council, though its moral authority is sometimes undermined by a reluctance to criticize fellow African leaders, specifically in Zimbabwe.