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The COP18 summit in Doha resulted in incremental progress, primarily the agreement of a second commitment period for the Kyoto Protocol (KP2) from 2013 to 2020. While the EU and several other nations committed to an average emission reduction of 18% below 1990 levels, major emitters including the US, China, Russia, Japan, Canada, and New Zealand did not approve or opposed the commitment. The summit failed to establish a concrete roadmap for the $100 billion annual climate finance target for 2020, though it introduced a new agreement to establish an international mechanism for "loss and damage" by COP19. The document highlights ongoing tensions regarding the principle of common but differentiated responsibilities and respective capabilities (CBDR-RC) and the dispute over "hot air" carbon credits, particularly involving Poland and the EU.

The authors from Group 22 argue that Croatia's small size is an advantage for piloting a transformative degrowth strategy. They contend that the last 20 years of capitalist development in Croatia have failed to improve societal wellbeing, as evidenced by stagnant Human Development Index (HDI) values, rising income inequality, and an increasing ecological footprint. The text asserts that simply utilizing renewable resources within existing 'cronyand clientelistic capitalism' would likely lead to corruption and market concentration. Instead, they propose a 'structured process of socially sustainable and equitable reduction' in material and energy use, supported by democratic deliberation and the redistribution of resources to maintain welfare while downsizing ecological impact.

The document examines the debate over whether economic growth can be decoupled from environmental degradation or if a transition to 'degrowth' and post-consumerism is necessary. It contrasts 'ecological modernisation'—which relies on green technology and efficiency—with 'green radicalism,' which advocates for sufficiency and cultural shifts. The text applies these theories to specific national contexts, arguing that while some developed nations may be entering a post-consumerist era due to economic instability, others, like Croatia, still require green growth to ensure social stability. It concludes that a sustainable future requires redistributing wealth, sharing work, and moving beyond the 'productivist compromise' of the post-war era.

The author contends that austerity policies in Europe, especially in post-socialist states, have led to substantial budget cuts in higher education and a push toward the commodification of learning. The text highlights that these measures often shift costs to students through tuition fees and prioritize market-driven research over humanities and fundamental sciences, thereby undermining social equality and the goals of the Europe 2020 strategy.

The document analyzes the International Bar Association's Model Mining Development Agreement (MMDA 1.0), providing a template and narrative to ensure mining contracts promote sustainable development, transparency, and equitable resource distribution. It details key contractual areas including land tenure, royalties, taxation, and community obligations, while emphasizing the use of international standards like the IFC Performance Standards and EITI. Additionally, the report investigates the existence of similar model agreements for the oil and gas sector, concluding that no internationally accepted model currently exists despite the availability of various national form contracts.

The research argues that both economic and political horizontal inequalities (HIs) are significant drivers of ethno-nationalist civil war. Using a novel combination of geo-coded ethnic settlement data and spatial wealth measures, the authors find that ethnic groups whose wealth deviates significantly from the national average—whether they are relatively affluent or impoverished—are more prone to conflict. This effect persists even when controlling for political exclusion from executive power, which itself is a strong predictor of conflict. The findings challenge contemporary 'opportunity-based' theories of civil war that dismiss grievances, suggesting instead that structural asymmetries act as mobilizational resources for collective violence.

The document analyzes Hungary's implementation of a Green Investment Scheme (GIS) to utilize revenues from the sale of Assigned Amount Units (AAUs) for greenhouse gas mitigation. It details the legal framework established by Act LX of 2007 and Government Decree 323/2007, emphasizing a 'hard greening' approach where funds are invested in projects with measurable emission reductions. The paper focuses heavily on the buildings sector, proposing a programmatic approach to bundle small-scale energy efficiency projects that are typically ineligible for Joint Implementation (JI) due to high transaction costs. It outlines a subsidy system based on energy labeling (Categories C to A++) and provides financial assessments for retrofits and new constructions, while comparing energy efficiency experiences across Central and Eastern European countries.

The report examines the implementation of the Montreal Protocol through the lens of the Swedish Ozone Layer Protection programme (OLP), identifying country ownership, capacity building, and stakeholder participation as critical governance factors for success. It argues that a shift from top-down regulation to bottom-up governance is necessary for sustainable national implementation of MEAs.

This research paper investigates the impact of democracy measurement on the 'democratic peace' proposition, which posits that democracies rarely go to war with one another. The author compares the widely used Polity dataset with Vanhanen's Polyarchy dataset, which uses a simpler index based on electoral competition and participation. Through bivariate and multivariate analyses of conflict data from 1816 to 2002, the study finds that the choice of indicator does matter; specifically, electoral competition appears to be a stronger predictor of peace than the aggregated democracy scores. The author concludes that while different measures often correlate, they are not interchangeable and can lead to different inferences about the causes of international peace.

The document examines the 'political architecture' of liberal peacebuilding, which seeks to establish liberal market democracies in post-conflict states. It argues that while this approach is dominant in international politics, it faces significant legitimacy challenges. Communitarians argue it imposes external Western values over local cultures; critical theorists contend it reinforces a hegemonic and unjust global order; and postmodernists critique its reliance on technocratic 'social engineering.' The author proposes alternative frameworks, such as 'building the capacity for peaceful self-governance' and 'dialogic peacebuilding,' to reconcile liberal ideals with local autonomy and global justice.

This report by Friends of the Earth International examines the consequences of shifting the management of natural resources from public to private control. It focuses on the privatization of water and biodiversity, highlighting how neoliberal policies promoted by international financial institutions (IFIs) and the World Trade Organization (WTO) often lead to increased costs for the poor, environmental degradation, and the appropriation of indigenous knowledge. Through 34 case studies, the document illustrates the negative outcomes of these policies and advocates for community-led management and the recognition of water as a human right.

The report claims that the first ten years of GM crop commercialization were a 'resounding failure', noting that promises of cheaper, higher-quality food and the solution to global hunger have not materialized. It highlights the dominance of Monsanto, the failure of the first GM tomato, and the rise of global opposition due to concerns over genetic contamination, biodiversity loss, and corporate control of seeds.

The document details the outcomes of a workshop stream titled 'Supporting Protected Areas in Times of Violent Conflict' at the 2003 World Parks Congress. It argues that peace is a fundamental precondition for conservation and that protected areas can either exacerbate or help mitigate conflict depending on their management. Key recommendations include establishing an international crisis response team, recognizing the neutrality of field staff, and integrating conservation ethics into military and humanitarian operations. The report emphasizes the need for proactive community engagement, continued donor support during crises, and the use of specialized monitoring tools like Peace and Conflict Impact Assessments (PCIA) to manage the dynamic relationship between biodiversity conservation and violent conflict.

The report examines the global landscape of GMO import regulations, noting a concentration of commercial acreage in the US, Argentina, Canada, and China, while many developing nations face regulatory blockages. It details the stringent regimes in the EU and Australia/New Zealand, the more flexible approach in the US, and varying levels of adoption and restriction in Asia, Latin America, and Africa. The document further analyzes potential conflicts between these national regulations—specifically regarding traceability, labelling, and the precautionary principle—and WTO agreements such as the SPS, TBT, and GATT, as well as the influence of the Cartagena Protocol on Biosafety.

The fact sheet criticizes the US for leveraging food aid and World Trade Organization (WTO) disputes to pressure countries into accepting genetically modified foods. It highlights instances where African nations were forced to choose between GMO aid or famine during the 2002 food crisis and denounces new US legislation that potentially links AIDS assistance to the acceptance of GMOs. The document advocates for the 'precautionary principle' and the right of sovereign nations to reject GMOs, proposing five principles for food aid that prioritize local purchases, informed consent, and sustainable agricultural development over the commercial interests of the US biotechnology industry.

The document analyzes the conflict between corporate biotechnology and local communities defending agricultural diversity. It argues that the World Trade Organization (WTO) and the US government use trade sanctions and neoliberal policies to impose GMOs and monocultures, which lead to genetic erosion, loss of traditional seed varieties, and the displacement of small-scale farmers. Through case studies in Bolivia, Nicaragua, Uruguay, Ecuador, Indonesia, and Canada, it highlights the risks of genetic contamination, the privatization of water and seeds, and the failure of transgenic crops to deliver promised yields. The report concludes by calling for the recognition of food sovereignty, the application of the precautionary principle, and the protection of farmers' rights to save and exchange seeds.

The document argues that corporate influence prioritizes short-term profit over environmental protection and human rights, leading to the weakening of multilateral environmental agreements. Through four case studies, it details how the biotechnology, forestry, and fossil fuel industries manipulate policy, promote commercialized versions of nature, and pressure governments to subordinate environmental standards to free trade rules.

The report examines the shift in international norms where state sovereignty is increasingly balanced against the protection of human rights. It analyzes the rise of 'neo-interventionism' in Africa, the transition of NATO from a defensive alliance to a regional security actor in the Balkans, and the persistence of stubborn states like Iraq and Algeria that resist external interference. The authors argue that while the non-intervention norm has weakened, interventions must be grounded in specific case-by-case duties and multilateral authorization to avoid the abuse of power.

The document analyzes the transition from traditional peacekeeping to multifunctional peace support operations (MPSOs) in the post-Cold War era. It highlights the confusion between peacekeeping, peace enforcement, and enforcement, and argues that the failure of many 1990s missions stemmed from a lack of clear authority, poor civil-military coordination, and the application of 'old scripts' to complex intra-state conflicts. The authors propose a reversal of operational tasking—starting with peace enforcement to establish a secure environment before transitioning to peacekeeping—and emphasize the need for specialized training and robust information gathering.

The report examines the complexities of humanitarian intervention in the post-Cold War era, where internal conflicts predominate over interstate wars. It argues that these conflicts are often driven by economic and political injustice and manipulated by 'conflict entrepreneurs' who mobilize ethnic identity for power. The text analyzes the ethical dilemmas of intervention through the Just War tradition, the systemic coordination failures between the UN and NGOs, and the specific dynamics of Russian interventions in the former Soviet south and emergent peace-keeping efforts in Africa.