Search Climate Insights Directory

The Handbook on Governance Statistics, developed by the Praia Group, establishes a framework for measuring governance through eight dimensions: non-discrimination and equality, participation, openness, access to and quality of justice, responsiveness, absence of corruption, trust, and safety and security. It emphasizes a Human Rights-Based Approach to Data (HRBAD) and advocates for the use of triangulated data sources, including administrative records, household surveys, and expert assessments. The document provides specific recommended indicators, many aligned with SDG 16, and offers technical guidance on mitigating biases in subjective measurements of trust, responsiveness, and corruption.

The document analyzes the role of the Assembly of Civil Society (ASC) in the Guatemalan peace process (1990–1996). While the ASC successfully influenced agreements on indigenous rights, it was marginalized during sensitive negotiations on the Truth Commission to avoid derailing the peace process. The author argues that this illustrates a conflict between process-related norms (inclusivity) and the paramount goal of stopping violence, suggesting that international support should shift toward empowering civil society during the implementation phase of peace agreements.

The research argues that civil war dynamics are best understood as dyadic interactions between governments and specific rebel groups rather than through aggregate national characteristics. Using new data on non-state actors, the authors find that militarily strong rebels tend to fight shorter wars and are more likely to achieve decisive victories or concessions. Conversely, conflicts are prolonged when rebels are militarily weak but maintain territorial control in the periphery, as they can evade government repression without being strong enough to force a settlement. The study also indicates that the availability of legal political wings for rebels shortens conflict duration, and that the likelihood of government victory decreases significantly as a conflict persists.

The author argues that the existing theory of 'violent pluralism' ignores the gendered nature of political violence in Latin America. By analyzing internally displaced women's organizations in Colombia and high-profile murders of activists in Brazil, El Salvador, Honduras, and Mexico, the paper identifies a three-pronged relationship: gendered violence as an obstacle to organizing, organizing as a response to violence, and organizing as a cause of further violence. The author highlights how states often 'privatize' the deaths of women activists by framing them as domestic or criminal rather than political.

The report analyzes the relationship between human rights NGOs and the law in Colombia, specifically regarding forced displacement between 2002 and 2012. It proposes a typology of legal mobilization: 'appropriation' (strategic use of legal resources), 'adaptation' (weaving existing goals into new legal frameworks), and 'resistance' (proposing alternative frameworks outside dominant legal norms). Through three case studies, it details how Colemad fought 'legal dispossession' of land in the Atlantic coast, how the CNMI integrated indigenous cosmovisions and 'spiritual violence' into national legislation, and how COCA shifted from standard workshops to ancestral healing practices in Putumayo to address the psychological trauma of war. The text also highlights systemic challenges for these organizations, including precarious international funding, the 'privatization of social work,' and persistent insecurity from armed actors.

The report presents findings from two survey rounds (2019 and 2021) involving over 11,000 citizens in 72 PDET municipalities. While general satisfaction with the Agreement's implementation increased from 36% in 2019 to 48% in 2021, the report identifies a 'story of contrasts.' Residents generally value the Agreement's content and specific tools like reincorporation and crop substitution, but perceive actual implementation as insufficient and unequal across subregions. Security conditions are viewed as deteriorating, and trust in ex-combatants remains very low, hindering reconciliation. The report emphasizes that tangible improvements in security, public works, and reparations are the primary drivers of satisfaction and trust in state institutions.

The paper maps the disparate research and practice of 'business-peace' interactions into five core assertions: economic engagement creating a peace dividend, local development building peace capacities, importing international norms for accountability, constraining conflict drivers, and direct corporate diplomacy. While proponents argue these activities foster stability and development, critics warn of neo-colonial exploitation, 'peacewashing', and the risk of exacerbating local inequalities. The author concludes that business contributions are often limited by the willingness of local regimes and the priority of profit over courageous ethical choices in fragile contexts.

The document is a comprehensive survey instrument used by the MAPS project in Colombia. It gathers demographic data and assesses public trust in various institutions, including the national government, the police, and the United Nations. A significant portion of the survey focuses on the 2016 peace agreement between the Colombian Government and the FARC-EP, measuring satisfaction with its content and implementation, as well as perceptions of disarmament and reintegration. It also investigates the history of violence in local communities, the role of armed groups such as the ELN and AUC, and the effectiveness of transitional justice and victim reparations. Finally, it includes experimental sections to test respondent reactions to specific policy proposals attributed to different political or social actors.

The authors present the Non-State Actors (NSA) in Civil Wars dataset, covering internal armed conflicts from 1945 to 2011. The dataset shifts the unit of analysis from country-years to state-rebel group dyad spells, allowing researchers to examine the specific characteristics of opposition forces rather than just macro-level state variables. Key indicators include rebel strength relative to the government, territorial control, organizational structure (such as the presence of political wings), and external support from states or non-state actors. Descriptive statistics from the dataset show that while over 85% of rebel groups are weaker than their governments, nearly half are at least equal in their specific capacities to mobilize support, procure arms, and fight. The dataset is designed to be compatible with the Uppsala Conflict Data Project (UCDP) Dyadic Dataset to facilitate data aggregation across different research projects.

The document provides a comprehensive overview of global conflict trends from 1989 to 2019, noting a record high of 54 state-based conflicts in 2019. It highlights the significant role of the Islamic State (IS) in driving recent conflict increases and the prevalence of internationalized civil conflicts. While battle-related deaths have generally decreased over the last 20 years, specific hotspots in the Middle East, Africa, and Asia remain deadly. The paper also analyzes the decline in peace agreements since 2015 and the persistence of non-state conflicts, particularly violent drug cartel activity in Latin America and communal violence in Africa.

The document examines the contested nature of 'power sharing,' noting that it is often implemented as a tool for conflict resolution but yields contradictory results in research. It identifies four primary types of power sharing: political, military, territorial, and economic. The author argues that findings vary based on whether researchers view power sharing as a means to achieve stable democracy (consociationalism) or as a tool for postconflict conflict management. While some studies suggest inclusive institutions prolong peace by addressing rebel security concerns, others argue they reward violence, strengthen ethnic divisions, and hinder democratic accountability by marginalizing opposition.

The paper analyzes the 'business-peace nexus,' where multinational corporations (MNCs) are reframed as peace actors. While B4P aims to embed corporations in public accountability structures, the authors argue it creates 'asymmetrical governance' locally, where corporate power is amplified and accountability is obscured.

The research examines the intersection of Norway's national identity as a gender-equal and peace-promoting nation with its diplomatic practices. Through interviews with ten diplomats, the authors analyze how 'state feminism' has transitioned from domestic policy to foreign policy, specifically within the Women, Peace and Security (WPS) agenda. The findings highlight a strategic tension: while Norway promotes gender equality to enhance its international branding and credibility as a neutral facilitator, it avoids the explicit label of 'feminist foreign policy' to prevent being perceived as too value-driven or Western, which could jeopardize its role as a benign peace facilitator. The document notes a shift from early, male-dominated peace efforts to more professionalized, gender-balanced teams in recent processes like those in Colombia and the Philippines.

The document argues that rebel groups provide a unique 'laboratory' for understanding governance because they operate outside the Westphalian state system. It examines how rebels implement rule-making, enforcement, and service provision, and how these activities relate to their legitimacy and capacity. The authors propose a multi-dimensional framework for rebel capacity—military, economic, personnel, administrative, and social—and argue that territorial control is not always a prerequisite for governance. By comparing rebel and state behaviors, the paper suggests that governance is often multi-layered and that the relationship between territorial control and legitimacy is complex and non-linear.

The MAPS project evaluates citizen trust and satisfaction with the Colombian peace process and state presence in PDET zones. Preliminary findings indicate that while some satisfaction exists, interpersonal and institutional trust remains low, and security perceptions vary, with two-thirds of respondents fearing a return of conflict to their communities.

The author advocates for treating gun violence as a public health issue rather than a purely legal or security matter, particularly in Africa. The text explains that firearms act as 'violence multipliers' that increase the lethality of both premeditated and impulsive violence. It identifies critical gaps in mortality and possession data across sub-Saharan Africa and outlines how WHO recommendations and international agreements—such as the UN Programme of Action and regional protocols in West, East, and Southern Africa—can be leveraged by public health professionals to secure funding and government cooperation.

The authors argue that the EITI lacks a proven Theory of Change, risking obsolescence in some countries. They propose three models—Name-and-Shame, Public Debate, and Technical Reform—and find that while stakeholders prefer the Public Debate model, actual change occurs primarily through Technical Reform. The study emphasizes that ToCs must be dynamic and context-specific to bridge the gap between disclosure and actual accountability.

The research paper analyzes the strategic motivations for terrorism in civil wars using a new dataset linking the Uppsala/PRIO Armed Conflict Data and the Global Terrorism Database. It argues that terrorism serves to coerce governments and communicate resolve, particularly for militarily weaker groups. The study finds that the frequency of attacks increases with government repression and press freedom. Furthermore, it identifies a correlation between group ideology and targeting: groups with universalist ideologies (e.g., Marxist-socialist) predominantly target 'hard' official targets, while those with sectarian or religious ideologies are more likely to target 'soft' civilian targets due to stronger 'othering' of out-groups.

The report argues that decentralised renewable energy (DRE) is the most effective solution for electrifying rural health facilities, particularly during health crises like COVID-19. It proposes a delivery model combining 'smart grants' for upfront capital expenditures (CAPEX) with market-based compensation mechanisms, such as long-term Power Purchase Agreements (PPAs), to ensure both rapid deployment and long-term financial and technical sustainability. Through 16 case studies across Africa, Asia, and Latin America, the document demonstrates how DRE can improve maternal and child health outcomes, enable the storage of vaccines, and foster socio-economic development by integrating health facilities as central nodes for wider community electrification.

The document details Chile's shift from an inward-oriented import-substitution model to a highly liberalized trade regime. It covers the radical 'big bang' reforms of the military regime (1973-1989), the subsequent 'pragmatic orthodoxy' of the second trade reform, and the 'multi-track' approach adopted under democratic rule (1990-2005). The author argues that while the military regime implemented the structural shift, democratic governments provided the social legitimacy and macroeconomic stability necessary to sustain the open-economy model, leading to significant export diversification and poverty reduction.