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The 2022 Scorecard finds that while insurance for new coal power plants outside China has largely dried up, the industry is only beginning to shift away from oil and gas. Most of the 30 assessed insurers scored poorly on oil and gas policies (1.1/10) compared to coal (3.3/10). The report identifies Allianz as a leader in underwriting policies and SCOR as a leader in divestment, while naming Berkshire Hathaway, Everest Re, PICC, Sinosure, and Starr as laggards. It also criticizes the Net-Zero Insurance Alliance (NZIA) for failing to comply with UN Race to Zero requirements to phase out unabated fossil fuels.

The report assesses Sweden's vulnerability to climate risks originating in other countries through its open economy and global trade links. Using three types of trade data—national toll logs, input-output tables, and resource footprints—the study finds that while direct trade partners (e.g., Germany and Nordic countries) are relatively resilient, deeper supply chain tiers reveal significant dependencies on climate-vulnerable emerging economies in Asia and Africa. A detailed case study on Brazilian soy demonstrates that while production risks in key sourcing areas like Mato Grosso are currently low, transport risks—specifically landslides and flash floods on long roads to ports—pose a higher threat. The authors argue that traditional risk management strategies like substitution are limited by the systemic nature of climate change and the 'stickiness' of trade relationships, recommending that Sweden integrate transboundary risk into its National Adaptation Strategy and lead global multilateral efforts for systemic resilience.

In 2025, Global Witness verified the killings of 124 land and environmental defenders, continuing a trend of lethal violence primarily concentrated in Latin America. The report identifies land disputes and extractive projects as primary drivers, with a significant increase in the role of organized crime and hitmen. It highlights the vulnerability of Indigenous peoples and small-scale farmers, who comprise 75% of the victims. The document argues against individual-focused security models, instead promoting 'collective protection'—community-led systems like Indigenous Guards—and calls for the ratification of the Escazú Agreement and the repeal of laws used to criminalize activism.

Global Witness reports that 1,733 land and environmental defenders were killed between 2012 and 2021, with 200 deaths recorded in 2021 alone. The report highlights a disproportionate impact on indigenous peoples, who represent over 40% of fatal attacks despite being only 5% of the global population. Mexico, Brazil, and Colombia are identified as the most dangerous countries, where extractivism, land inequality, and corporate impunity drive violence. The document calls for the implementation of the Escazú Agreement and stricter mandatory human rights and environmental due diligence for companies, particularly within the European Union.

The report documents the killing of 124 land and environmental defenders in 2025, with Latin America remaining the most dangerous region. It highlights the role of organized crime, extractive industries, and state repression in these attacks, while advocating for 'collective protection' and the legal recognition of indigenous guards.

In 2024, Global Witness documented 146 land and environmental defenders murdered or disappeared globally, with 82% of cases occurring in Latin America. The report identifies mining as the deadliest industry and highlights the disproportionate targeting of Indigenous Peoples and small-scale farmers. It examines specific crises in Colombia, Mexico, Brazil, the Philippines, Guatemala, and Palestine, while critiquing the failures of state protection mechanisms and the rise of criminalization. The document calls for the ratification of the Escazú Agreement, the implementation of mandatory corporate due diligence, and the formal recognition of defenders' roles in climate solutions ahead of COP30.

In 2024, 146 land and environmental defenders were murdered or disappeared globally, with 82% of cases occurring in Latin America. Mining remains the most lethal sector, followed by logging and agribusiness. The report highlights systemic failures in state protection, high levels of impunity, and the criminalization of activists. It specifically examines the precarious situation of indigenous and peasant communities in Colombia, Mexico, Brazil, the Philippines, Honduras, Guatemala, and Chile, while also addressing the environmental destruction and land expropriation in occupied Palestinian territories. The document calls for the ratification of the Escazú Agreement, the implementation of the EU's Corporate Sustainability Due Diligence Directive, and the guaranteed safe participation of defenders in COP30.

Global Witness reports that 1,733 land and environmental defenders were killed between 2012 and 2021, with 200 deaths recorded in 2021 alone. The report identifies extreme land inequality, corruption, and the repression of civic space as primary drivers of violence, particularly affecting indigenous peoples in the Global South. It highlights critical situations in Mexico, Brazil, Colombia, and the Philippines, while advocating for the implementation of the Escazú Agreement and mandatory corporate due diligence in the EU to protect those on the front lines of the climate and biodiversity crises.

In 2024, 146 environmental and land defenders were killed or disappeared globally, with 82% of cases occurring in Latin America. The report identifies mining as the deadliest industry for defenders and highlights the role of organized crime and state actors in these attacks. It specifically examines the critical situations in Colombia, Mexico, Brazil, the Philippines, Honduras, and Guatemala, while detailing the systemic failures of state protection mechanisms and the criminalization of activism. The document calls for the ratification of the Escazú Agreement, the implementation of binding corporate due diligence laws, and the recognition of defenders' roles in climate solutions ahead of COP30.

The author proposes that China can leverage its role as a major investor and creditor in Latin America to support climate action. Key suggestions include adopting a crediting mechanism for clean energy projects similar to Japan's JCM, implementing debt-for-climate swaps (specifically citing Ecuador's potential), and negotiating free trade agreements that prioritize environmental services and green goods.

The report examines the bioeconomy in Brazil and the Amazon through three conceptual lenses: biotechnology, bioresources, and bioecology. It finds that while Brazil possesses a broad set of regulations covering these areas, it lacks a unified national strategy and coordinated governance. The analysis highlights that the 'various Amazons'—conserved, deforested, under pressure, and urban—require different bioeconomy approaches. Key regulatory tensions exist within the Biodiversity Law, which is viewed as too bureaucratic by the biotechnology sector and insufficient in protecting traditional knowledge by bioecology advocates. The report concludes that effective governance must integrate multiple ministries and prioritize land tenure regularization to ensure sustainability and legal security.

The paper examines how the Russia-Ukraine conflict challenges the BRICS bloc's stated principles of sovereignty and territorial integrity. It analyzes the divergent voting patterns of Brazil, Russia, India, China, and South Africa at the United Nations, noting that the group lacks a common stance on the conflict. While the bloc advocates for a more equitable international order and criticizes Western double standards, the author argues that Russia's invasion of Ukraine risks compromising the bloc's credibility and creating a precedent where powerful states ignore international principles.

The document analyzes GHG emissions from coffee production, ranging from 3 to over 40 kgCO2e/kg roast coffee, with an average of approximately 20 kgCO2e/kg. It identifies land-use change, fertilizer use, and wet-processing effluent as the primary emission drivers. The briefing highlights that while polyculture systems sequester more carbon than monocultures, the overall footprint is highly variable based on location and practice. Key mitigation strategies include preventing deforestation, treating processing effluent, and improving fertilizer management, though implementation is challenged by the prevalence of smallholder farming.

The document examines the GHG footprints of soy production, emphasizing that land-use change (LUC) is the primary driver of emissions. It details emissions from farm-gate activities, processing, and transport, while comparing production systems and regional impacts, particularly in South America. Mitigation priorities focus on preventing deforestation and improving tillage and fertilizer practices.

The report examines the greenhouse gas (GHG) footprint of beef production, highlighting that emissions vary drastically by region and production system, ranging from 16 to 360 kg CO2e/kg edible meat. It identifies enteric fermentation, feed production, and land-use change as the primary emission drivers, while noting that well-managed grazing lands can act as carbon sinks. The document outlines mitigation strategies including improved feed digestibility, rotational grazing, and feed additives, estimating a total global mitigation potential between 0.67 and 2.55 GtCO2e/yr.

The document examines the GHG footprint of the pulp and paper industry, noting that emissions range from 14 to 75 tCO2e/t paper (excluding biogenic forestry emissions). It highlights that pulping and papermaking are energy-intensive stages that dominate the footprint, while forest management—specifically deforestation and premature harvesting—represents a significant source of emissions and a major mitigation opportunity. The report emphasizes the need for standardized GHG accounting in the sector and suggests shifting to renewable energy and sustainable forestry to reduce impacts.

The report identifies the Green Guarantee Company (GGC) as a private sector project categorized as Environmental and Social Safeguards (ESS) Category I-2. It lists the disclosure of an Environmental and Social Management System (ESMS), Gender Assessment, Gender Action Plan, and Indigenous Peoples Planning Framework in multiple languages to accommodate target countries including Bangladesh, Brazil, Gabon, India, Indonesia, Lao PDR, the Philippines, and Trinidad and Tobago. Physical disclosure locations for stakeholders were established on June 15, 2022, in each of these countries.

The report analyzes the GHG emissions of maize production, noting an average on-farm emission of 0.6 kgCO2e/kg maize. It identifies land-use change, nitrogen fertilizer application, and tillage practices as primary emission drivers. The document highlights significant regional variability, with high emissions intensity often correlating with low yields in countries like Nigeria. Proposed mitigation efforts include preventing habitat conversion, adopting no-till or strip-till farming, and optimizing nitrogen fertilizer use through nitrification inhibitors.

The document analyzes the GHG emissions of chicken production, noting that cradle-to-retail meat averages 7–10 kgCO2e/kg edible weight (EW). Feed, particularly land-use change (LUC) from soy and oil palm, is the primary emission driver. The report compares broiler, layer, and backyard systems, highlighting that conventional industrial farming generally has lower emissions than organic systems due to better feed conversion and bird performance. Mitigation focuses on deforestation-free feed, optimized diets, and improved manure management.

The report assesses how climate change exacerbates gender inequalities in three infrastructure sectors: WASH, coastal/marine ecosystems, and ports. It finds that women and girls bear a disproportionate burden of inadequate WASH services and are largely excluded from formal employment and decision-making in the blue economy and port operations. The document proposes a Gender Action Plan for Climate Fund Managers (CFM) to improve access, amplify women's voices in planning, create formal employment opportunities, and implement robust gender-disaggregated monitoring.