Search Climate Insights Directory

The document examines the push by BRICS nations to reform the international monetary system and reduce reliance on the US dollar, particularly in the wake of financial sanctions against Russia and Iran. It analyzes the 'BRICS Pay' platform and China's specific local currency initiatives, such as the 'Hunan Model' of barter trade with Africa. The paper also evaluates the Pan-African Payment and Settlement System (PAPSS) as Africa's own mechanism for facilitating intra-continental trade in local currencies, noting that while it could save Africa $5 billion annually, it faces hurdles including informal cash trade and a lack of institutional trust. The author concludes that while these reforms offer a way to circumvent foreign exchange shortages, African policymakers must ensure that the US dollar is not simply replaced by other external currencies like the Chinese renminbi.

Carbon Market Watch warns that heavy industry is projected to consume 60-80% of Flanders' EU ETS revenues between 2024 and 2030 through indirect cost compensation subsidies. The author argues these subsidies support the status quo and lack environmental safeguards, noting that a 2021 Deloitte report found no expected impact on employment or relocation if such subsidies were reduced. The document proposes capping industrial funding at 30% of ETS revenue to protect funds for transport and housing transitions.

The report provides a 'Bank of Evidence' detailing the failures and risks of geoengineering, categorized into carbon removal and solar radiation management. It highlights specific project failures in carbon capture and storage (CCS) in Australia, the UAE, and Canada, and critiques the ecological risks of bioenergy with carbon capture and storage (BECCS) and direct air capture (DAC). The document also examines speculative solar radiation management (SRM) experiments in the US, UK, and Mexico, and various marine geoengineering attempts, asserting that these 'false solutions' often benefit the fossil fuel industry while threatening biodiversity and human rights.

The report documents the negative impacts and risks associated with various geoengineering 'false solutions,' including carbon capture and storage (CCS), bioenergy with carbon capture and storage (BECCS), direct air capture (DAC), solar radiation management (SRM), and marine geoengineering. It provides specific examples of project failures, environmental hazards, and social injustices across Africa, Asia, Europe, North America, and Latin America, asserting that these technologies often perpetuate the fossil fuel economy rather than solving the climate crisis.

The document provides a comprehensive critique of geoengineering, categorizing it into carbon removal (CDR) and solar radiation management (SRM). It details specific failures and risks of Carbon Capture and Storage (CCS/CCUS), Bioenergy with Carbon Capture and Storage (BECCS), Direct Air Capture (DAC), and marine geoengineering across various global regions, emphasizing that these 'false solutions' often facilitate continued fossil fuel extraction through Enhanced Oil Recovery (EOR) and pose significant ecological and social threats.

In the first half of 2024, wind and solar power generated 30% of the EU's electricity, surpassing fossil fuels (27%) for the first time. This transition occurred despite a 0.7% increase in electricity demand. Fossil fuel generation fell by 17%, with coal dropping by 24% and gas by 14%. Renewables overall provided 50% of the EU's electricity, aided by a 21% rebound in hydro generation. Power sector emissions decreased by 17% compared to the same period in 2023, and are 31% lower than in the first half of 2022. While capacity additions are high, the report notes a gap between national ambitions and the EU's 2030 targets under the REPowerEU plan, particularly for wind energy.

The report addresses the barrier of limited grid capacity in Europe's energy transition, proposing the use of hosting capacity maps to help developers of renewables, electrolysers, and data centres select optimal connection locations. It notes that while EU legislation now mandates these maps for TSOs and DSOs, there is a lack of specificity in their design. The authors provide a framework for an "ideal" map, recommending substation-level granularity, open-source data access, and the inclusion of planned grid investments to improve network efficiency and investment speed.

The EU is attempting to increase domestic production of net-zero technologies through the Net-Zero Industry Act (NZIA) and other strategies to reduce dependencies on China and the US. However, the author contends that the EU lacks the necessary funding to meet its 2030 targets, such as producing 40 per cent of its installation needs domestically. The document highlights a conflict between 'frugal' member states and those seeking a European Sovereignty Fund, leading to a reliance on the Temporary Crisis and Transition Framework (TCTF). This framework allows national 'matching aid', which the author argues creates unfair competition between wealthy nations like Germany and France and smaller states like Belgium. The text further critiques the use of non-price criteria in procurement and trade defense instruments, such as the Foreign Subsidies Regulation (FSR), noting they can increase costs for taxpayers and slow decarbonization. The author concludes that targeted, conditional European-level subsidies are the only viable way to ensure a just and cohesive green transition.

The document argues that the EU's territorial emission reductions underestimate its true carbon footprint due to emissions embedded in imports. It identifies food, housing, and mobility as primary consumption 'hotspots' and calls for a shift from a focus on production efficiency to policies that target consumption patterns and behavioral change. Key barriers include a lack of standardized monitoring and supply chain transparency, while opportunities lie in leveraging the EU's market influence to set common CBE targets and support developing countries in transitioning to low-carbon production.

The document is a formal request from a coalition of NGOs for the European Commission to provide a detailed inventory of infringement proceedings against Member States failing to enforce the landing obligation, citing a Commission assessment that illegal discarding remains prolific and undermines the Common Fisheries Policy.

The report contends that PVC poses unmanaged risks to human health and the environment throughout its life cycle, from toxic manufacturing emissions and accident risks to the release of microplastics and hazardous additives. It argues that the ECHA's 2023 investigation provides a sufficient technical basis for a broad ban, as alternatives are available for all assessed uses. The authors criticize the ECHA report for having a narrow scope—analyzing only 13% of PVC additives—and for underestimating the true costs of PVC by ignoring end-of-life disposal and health remediation expenses. It concludes that targeting only a few additives would lead to 'regrettable substitution' and that a full material restriction is the only effective way to prevent the steady increase of PVC and its toxins in the environment.

The document argues that the EU's territorial emission reductions mask a growing carbon footprint driven by the import of emissions-intensive goods. It identifies food, housing, and mobility as primary consumption hotspots and recommends binding EU-level targets, mandatory reporting for member states, and enhanced trade transparency to address these emissions.

The European Parliament elections, held June 6-9, 2024, determine the legislative representation for 27 EU Member States, with the number of seats increasing from 705 to 720. The document emphasizes the role of the European Parliament in shaping the EU Green Deal and achieving carbon neutrality by 2050, while warning against the weakening of environmental requirements in the Common Agricultural Policy and the dropping of chemical regulations like REACH. It advocates for closing the 'implementation gap' of environmental laws, which could save the EU economy EUR 55 billion annually in health and environmental costs, and calls for universal access to justice rights for citizens and NGOs to challenge environmental law-breaking across all Member States.

The author warns that a rightward political shift in the EU and UK could lead to the rollback of climate regulations and the weakening of the European Green Deal. While EU citizens express high levels of concern for climate change, competing priorities like security and healthcare may lead them to vote for parties hostile to green policies. The text urges activists to combat political apathy and maintain climate action on the political agenda even if climate-skeptical forces gain power.

Analysis of draft NECPs indicates that while EU member states have significantly increased wind and solar targets since 2019, the current trajectory falls short of REPowerEU goals. Renewables are projected to generate 66% of EU electricity by 2030, missing the 72% target. The report highlights a lack of data transparency in the drafts, particularly regarding power system flexibility and post-2030 decarbonisation pathways.

In 2023, the share of renewables in the global electricity mix exceeded 30% for the first time, driven by record solar and wind generation. Despite this, total power sector emissions reached a record high of 14,153 million tonnes of CO2 because clean growth could not fully meet rising demand and was hampered by a record fall in hydropower. While carbon intensity hit a record low of 480 gCO2/kWh, fossil generation increased by 135 TWh, primarily in emerging economies like China and India where droughts reduced hydro output.

The document argues that States have a legal obligation under international climate change law and human rights law to implement effective, science-based measures to mitigate climate change, specifically through the phase-out of fossil fuels and the regulation of non-state actors. It asserts that failure to do so constitutes an internationally wrongful act, triggering responsibilities for cessation of harm and full reparation, including financial compensation for loss and damage.

Global operating coal capacity increased by 48.4 GW in 2023, reaching a total of 2,130 GW, primarily driven by a surge of new plants in China. While construction starts hit record lows outside of China, China's new construction starts reached an eight-year high of 70.2 GW. Despite a growing number of countries committing to 'No New Coal', 75% of global operating coal capacity still lacks a specific closure commitment, hindering alignment with the Paris Agreement goals.

ClientEarth asserts that a global plastics treaty will only be effective if it establishes legally binding production reduction targets, prohibits new plastic plants, and addresses the entire lifecycle of plastics from fossil fuel extraction to waste. The organization highlights that plastics production is projected to consume 20% of the world's carbon budget by 2050 and that only 9% of all plastic ever made has been recycled. The document emphasizes the need to align public and private financial flows with these goals and to prioritize human rights and health, noting that nearly a quarter of the 10,500 chemical substances in plastics are of potential concern for human health.

The document argues that Poland, as Europe's third largest hydrogen producer, must transition from carbon-intensive production to a clean hydrogen economy to decarbonise its industrial and transportation sectors. It recommends prioritising 'no regrets' sectors, adopting a technology-neutral production approach, and carefully planning imports via pipelines or ammonia to manage limited domestic resources.