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The briefing examines the climate and environmental justice impacts of plastic production, highlighting the role of the petrochemical industry in generating greenhouse gas emissions and toxic pollution. Panelists discuss the failure of plastic recycling, the disproportionate burden on low-income communities and 'Cancer Alley' in Louisiana, and various policy interventions. These include single-use plastic bans in New York and the European Union, extended producer responsibility (EPR) laws in Maine and Oregon, and local reuse ordinances in Berkeley, California. The discussion emphasizes the need for a shift toward durable, reusable packaging and the closure of waste management loopholes.

The report examines the synergy between the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA) and the African Union's Green Recovery Action Plan (GRAP) to foster green intra-continental trade and investment. While the AfCFTA is intended to transform Africa's production and trade landscape, the document notes that environmental and climate considerations have not been prominent in its development. The report specifically analyzes how the combined implementation of these frameworks can support recovery in Ghana, Kenya, Mozambique, Nigeria, Rwanda, and South Africa.

The livestock sector's growth poses a significant risk to climate goals, potentially consuming 80% of the remaining GHG budget by 2050 if current trends continue. While global meat production is rising—projected to reach 374 million tonnes by 2030—there is a growing market for Alternative Protein (AP) products, valued at USD 14 bn and expected to exceed USD 162 bn within a decade. However, the transition is hindered by substantial government subsidies, with nearly 90% of global farming subsidies (USD 540 bn annually) supporting beef, milk, and rice. The document emphasizes that while total veganism offers the highest emission reductions, flexitarian and vegetarian diets can also significantly lower emissions. It calls for government policy reforms to redirect subsidies away from industrial agriculture and for businesses to move beyond 'meaningless' net zero targets toward actual reductions in animal numbers in supply chains.

The document condemns the travel bans imposed by the US, EU, and Canada on Southern African countries after the detection of the Omicron variant, describing them as 'unjustified and lacking scientific basis'. It argues that these measures penalize South Africa for its scientific transparency and ignore the 'vaccine apartheid' that left Africa as the most under-vaccinated continent, with only 6.66% of its population fully vaccinated. The authors state that these restrictions cripple struggling economies, specifically impacting tourism which accounts for 3% of South Africa's GDP, 11% for Namibia, and 13% for Botswana. Furthermore, the text highlights the role of 'vaccine nationalism' and the refusal of the EU, Switzerland, and Japan to waive intellectual property rights for vaccines as structural failures in the global pandemic response.

The statement critiques 'Nature-based Solutions' (NbS) as a deceptive framework used by governments and corporations to justify 'net zero' targets without implementing deep emission reductions. It asserts that NbS rely on flawed assumptions about carbon sequestration and risk triggering massive land grabs in the Global South, citing the example of ENI in Mozambique. The author calls for structural changes, immediate emission cuts by developed nations, and the protection of Indigenous rights over market-based environmental schemes.

The statement criticizes the imposition of travel bans on Southern African countries, asserting that such measures are ineffective at stopping mutations and cause significant economic damage. It highlights the disparity in vaccination rates between Africa and advanced economies, calling for the decentralization of vaccine manufacturing, the implementation of a WTO intellectual property rights waiver, and a shift from unilateralism to collective global action to ensure equitable vaccine distribution.

The document examines the intersection of pandemic recovery and climate finance, highlighting that most global recovery funds are not contributing to greening economies. It emphasizes the failure of developed nations to meet the $100 billion annual climate finance pledge and advocates for a new goal of $1.3 trillion per year by 2030 to support African countries. The briefing identifies significant barriers to accessing finance, including complex procedures and a lack of climate data, and suggests using Nationally Determined Contributions (NDCs) to hold governments accountable for the climate impact of their recovery spending.

The report outlines the concept and strategy of the Local2030 Coalition for the Decade of Action, focusing on the integration and coordination of efforts across governance scales to overcome challenges faced by local actors. It describes the coalition's aim to leverage existing partnerships to promote bottom-up action and scale successful initiatives, while establishing specific measures, achievement indicators, and progress benchmarks.

The WHO-Civil Society Working Group to Advance Action on Climate and Health reports on its 2021 efforts to mobilize the health sector for climate action. Key achievements include conducting regional consultations across six WHO regions involving over 135 countries, launching the 'Healthy Climate Prescription' open letter signed by organizations representing 46 million health workers, and publishing a report on climate and health research gaps. The group also supported the Global Climate and Health Conference and the WHO Health Pavilion at COP26 to increase the visibility of health in climate negotiations.

The report argues that subsidiarity in the African Union (AU) is currently used as a political tool rather than a clear legal principle, leading to competition and inconsistency between the AU and regional mechanisms (RMs). It highlights that the lack of operational definitions and contradictory legal frameworks—such as the 2007 MoU and the PSC Protocol—creates confusion in the African Peace and Security Architecture (APSA). The authors suggest shifting the focus from a division of competences to a model of complementarity, where regions act as 'first responders' while the AU remains the 'primary actor'. Key recommendations include establishing a comprehensive legal, policy, and financial framework, utilizing the AU Peace Fund for alignment, and creating operational liaison offices between the AU Commission and RMs.

The document examines the G20/OECD Inclusive Framework's Two-Pillar Solution to tax challenges from the digitalisation of the economy. It highlights that developing countries, particularly in Africa, suffer disproportionate revenue losses from tax avoidance—up to 5%–8% of GDP in some cases—compared to developed nations. The author argues that the current framework lacks adequate representation of African nations (only 23 of 55 AU members participated) and contains provisions, such as a 15% minimum corporate tax rate and high turnover thresholds for profit reallocation, that may marginalise poorer economies. The brief recommends shifting negotiations to a neutral body like the UN and increasing technical and financial support for developing countries to implement new standards.

The document analyzes the resurgent roles of China and Russia in Africa since 2000. China's influence is primarily economic, driven by the Belt and Road Initiative and long-term infrastructure investments, while Russia's approach is more opportunistic, focusing on mining, arms exports, and the deployment of private military contractors in fragile states. While the two powers coordinate on challenging Western norms and supporting non-interference in the UN Security Council, they maintain a 'competitive partnership' characterized by limited strategic coordination in security and economics, and occasional competition for commercial contracts in countries like Zimbabwe.

The report analyzes the 2019 HRC voting records of 13 African member states, finding a significant lack of unity within the African Group. While South Africa, Rwanda, and Burkina Faso emerged as the strongest supporters of international human rights, Egypt, Eritrea, and Cameroon were the most opposed. The analysis highlights a recurring contradiction where many African states strongly support resolutions condemning Israel while opposing or abstaining from resolutions targeting other rights-abusing regimes. Overall, the report suggests a general unwillingness among African states to defend international human rights, with a noted decline in support since 2017.

The document argues that the rapid growth of chemical production, which nearly doubled between 2000 and 2017, necessitates more robust international governance to protect human health and the environment. It identifies four primary challenges: the delayed onset of harm, the ability of chemicals to travel through air and water, their ubiquity in the environment, and information asymmetry between manufacturers and consumers. To address these, the author proposes a governance framework based on ten pillars divided into three stages: chemicals control before market entry (making determinations, accessing information, issuing bans, and restricting use), management during manufacture and use (disseminating information, meeting treaty obligations, monitoring exposure, and ensuring safety), and end-of-life management (preventing new toxic waste and cleaning legacy pollution). The document emphasizes that effective governance requires dedicated government institutions with adequate resourcing.

Reclaim Finance criticizes Crédit Agricole for maintaining significant financial ties to the fossil fuel industry despite claiming to be a 'green bank'. The organization highlights that the bank provided $64 billion to fossil fuels between 2016 and 2020 and remains a top supporter of TotalEnergies. The text specifically calls for the bank to expand its Arctic exclusion zones, exit non-conventional hydrocarbons by 2030, and align the investment policies of its asset manager, Amundi, with its climate goals.

The author examines the intersection of communication rights, human rights, and climate justice, arguing that 'communication poverty' prevents vulnerable populations from influencing climate policy. The text details how climate change disproportionately affects the Global South and racialized communities, often exacerbating existing systemic inequalities. It explores various frameworks of climate justice—including historical, per capita, and rights-based approaches—and highlights the role of the grassroots climate justice movement in challenging elite, market-based solutions. The document emphasizes that for Indigenous and marginalized groups to achieve 'parity of participation,' they must have access to media platforms and the ability to develop their own narratives to challenge dominant stereotypes and influence global decision-making processes.

The document examines the OECD's two-pillar solution for digital taxation, noting that while the EU and most African Inclusive Framework (IF) members support it, significant gaps remain. African entities like the ATAF and G24 advocate for the redistribution of total profits rather than residual profits, higher minimum taxes, and non-binding dispute resolution. The author highlights that 'stabilization clauses' in investment treaties may prevent African countries from adjusting tax incentives to meet minimum tax rules without losing revenue to home states. The paper suggests the EU could support Africa through technical assistance and by advocating for transparent, regionalized arbitration centres.

Natural Justice's 2020-2022 strategy focuses on reducing organizational silos and increasing flexibility to better support communities facing environmental injustice across Africa through legal empowerment, campaigning, and movement building.

The document provides a multi-expert critique of COP26, noting that while the summit completed the Paris Agreement rule book and secured net zero commitments for 90% of the world, it failed to secure a 'grand bargain' for coal with India or a loss and damage fund. It highlights the $8.5 billion just transition deal for South Africa as a potential model but warns that developed nations have failed to meet the $100 billion annual finance goal. Experts argue that the summit ignored the critical role of oceans in carbon absorption and failed to address the resource-intensive economic systems driving global warming.

The paper examines the transition of Euro-African trade from the non-reciprocal preferences of the Lomé Convention to the Economic Partnership Agreements (EPAs) under the Cotonou Agreement. It argues that EPAs have been unrealistic for African least developed countries (LDCs) due to demands for 80% market opening, which threatens regional integration and the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA). While Europe remains Africa's lead trading partner (32% share in 2018), the author calls for a move away from paternalism and short-term free-trade expectations toward co-production and sustainable partnerships.