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The report analyzes the deadlock of the Doha Development Agenda (DDA) and the subsequent shift toward preferential trade agreements (PTAs). It argues that the rise of international supply chain trade (SCT) requires the WTO to move away from a 'silo approach' to policy and instead adopt a framework that addresses the joint impact of tariffs, services, and regulations on value chains. The author suggests using the WTO as a forum for deliberation on new issues—such as digital trade and environmental policies—and proposes a 'code of conduct' for plurilateral agreements to allow subsets of members to advance without requiring full consensus.

Friends of the Earth opposes the Bipartisan Congressional Trade Priorities Act (HR 3830/S 1900), arguing that its 'Fast Track' authority would shift power from Congress to the executive branch and rush the approval of the Trans Pacific Partnership (TPP) and Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP). The organization contends that these agreements would allow corporations to sue governments for the costs of complying with environmental regulations and could undermine climate measures, such as efforts to block the Keystone XL pipeline or fossil fuel export terminals. Additionally, the document warns that the agreements could inhibit the use of the 'precautionary principle' regarding toxic chemicals and food safety, and potentially lead to the privatization of nature through patents on plants and animals.

The authors, representing the German Greens, argue that the new German coalition agreement fails to offer a substantive vision for Europe, continuing a policy of austerity and national liability. They specifically criticize the rejection of debt communitization, the lack of a debt redemption pact, and the uncritical support for the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP). While noting some vague positive proposals regarding social policy and Western Balkans accession, the authors conclude that the agreement prioritizes backroom deals over democratic treaty reform.

The document argues that mega-FTAs like the TPP and TTIP are creating a new global regulatory regime characterized by higher standards in labor, environment, and intellectual property. For non-members like India, these agreements may create trade diversion and higher barriers to entry into global value chains (GVCs). The author emphasizes that India must upgrade its domestic policy framework and producer capacities to meet these escalating standards to avoid being isolated from international investment and markets.

The paper examines how the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) and Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP) are being used by the US to counter China's growing influence and how China may use these frameworks to drive its own domestic reforms. It argues that South Africa's current inward-looking trade policy and lack of a strategy for East Asia leave it vulnerable to losing international competitiveness and the devaluation of its trade preferences as the global trading system evolves.

The paper argues that Egypt's decision to join the TFTA is driven by a combination of geopolitical interests, a long-term shift toward trade liberalisation, and a desire to maintain influence in Africa. While static economic gains may be modest due to existing COMESA memberships and structural barriers, the author suggests that the TFTA offers a more consistent policy path than joining a customs union, potentially enhancing Egypt's role as an investment hub and improving relations with other African states.

The briefing outlines priorities for the new SADC Executive Secretary, emphasizing the implementation of existing commitments over new legal instruments, the institutionalization of public-private dialogue to support trade, and the improvement of transparency and information access to foster regional integration.

The Center for International Environmental Law (CIEL) warns that TTIP may hinder public health and safety goals by promoting regulatory harmonization and mutual recognition that could lower chemical safety standards. The document highlights the divergence between the EU's hazard-based REACH approach and the US's risk-based TSCA approach, arguing that trade-driven 'regulatory coherence' often results in a 'lowest-common denominator' outcome. It further cautions against investor-state dispute settlement (ISDS) mechanisms, which could allow corporations to sue governments over environmental laws, and warns that TTIP could preempt protective sub-national regulations in the US and EU. Finally, it suggests that a US-EU agreement could negatively influence the development of chemical regulations in other regions, such as the BRIICS countries.

The document examines the tension between the European Union's commitment to neoliberal public procurement rules and the need for strategic industrial policies to foster innovation and green energy. It highlights how the EU's adherence to international trade agreements, such as the GPA and GATT, limits the ability of member states to use local content requirements to stimulate domestic industries. The author contrasts the EU's approach with that of the US, Japan, and emerging economies like Brazil and China, who more aggressively use public procurement to support national industrial goals. A key example provided is the WTO dispute over Ontario's feed-in tariffs, where the Appellate Body's restrictive interpretation of 'public purpose' further limited the use of procurement for public policy goals. Despite this, some EU member states, such as France and Italy, have implemented local production requirements for photovoltaic energy to support their domestic sectors.

The document examines the challenges of African regional economic integration, highlighting the failure of the EU-modeled Abuja Treaty due to political tensions and infrastructure deficits. It compares the 'traditional' donor approach—focused on institutional support and soft infrastructure—with the 'emerging' partners' project-based, resource-driven approach. The author argues that while emerging partners fill critical hard infrastructure gaps, their tied-aid models can limit local skill transfer. The paper concludes that Africa must define its own strategic development agenda to effectively leverage competition between these partners and avoid 'incentive wars'.

The paper examines why Angola, SADC's second-largest economy, has remained outside the SADC Free Trade Area (FTA) despite signing the Protocol on Trade (PoT) in 2003. While the government of Angola (GoA) cites the need to rebuild its war-ravaged industry and protect 'infant industries' from cheap imports, the author argues that this protectionism is contradictory given Angola's openness to imports from China, Brazil, and Portugal. The analysis suggests that vested interests—specifically 'Empresários de Confiança' (trusted businessmen with political links)—benefit from existing high-cost import monopolies and may be discouraging the FTA. The document also critiques the SADC Secretariat for its lack of enforcement mechanisms to hold member states accountable for protocol violations.

The document examines the SA-EU Strategic Partnership, highlighting the EU's role as South Africa's leading regional trade partner and a major source of foreign direct investment. It contrasts youth unemployment challenges in both the EU and the SADC region, noting South Africa's goal to create 11 million jobs by 2030. The briefing also discusses the impact of migrant labour and remittances from South Africa to other SADC nations, specifically Zimbabwe, and notes a 24% decline in South African FDI from 2011 to 2012.

Friends of the Earth criticizes the first round of Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP) negotiations, asserting that the process is secretive and designed to benefit corporate CEOs and financiers. The organization warns that the agreement could lead to the rollback of environmental, food safety, and toxic chemical regulations, and calls for greater transparency and the release of draft negotiating texts to protect government authority to address the climate crisis and manage natural resources.

The Greens oppose the TTIP due to a lack of transparency, the potential for lowered consumer and environmental standards, and the use of Investor-State Dispute Settlement (ISDS) mechanisms. They argue that the agreement undermines multilateralism by setting global standards without broader international consultation and call for the inclusion of civil society and parliaments in the negotiation process.

The Green party opposes the TTIP due to its secretive negotiation process and the risk that it will lower standards for consumer protection, health, and the environment. They specifically reject the inclusion of the Investor-State Dispute Settlement (ISDS) mechanism and the potential for the agreement to impose global trade standards that undermine the World Trade Organization and the influence of the Global South.

The report analyzes President Barack Obama's 2013 visit to Africa, framing it as an effort to shift US-Africa relations from a focus on security and counter-terrorism toward economic growth, trade, and democratic investment. It highlights the competitive pressure from China's dominant trade position and the US's efforts to address energy poverty and youth unemployment through initiatives like YALI and renewable energy financing.

The author highlights a divergence in trade policy between South Africa, which prioritizes the WTO's multilateral system, and the US, which is pursuing far-reaching 'megaregional' agreements like the Trans Pacific Partnership and the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership. This shift poses risks to South African exporters, particularly in the automotive sector, as the US creates reciprocal trade arrangements with other nations. The document suggests that as Agoa faces renewal in 2015, South Africa should move beyond unilateral arrangements toward a more strategic, reciprocal trade relationship with the US.

The paper analyzes the relationship between firm size, productivity, and export destinations in South Africa. It finds that exports are highly concentrated among a small number of large firms and that there is a distinct divide between high-productivity firms exporting to developed markets (North America and Europe) and lower-productivity firms exporting to Africa (SADC). The author argues that regional African markets are the most viable path for small-to-medium enterprises and for job creation, as they do not require the same productivity thresholds as global markets. The study also identifies volatile exchange rates and transport costs as primary constraints facing South African exporters.

The document critiques the use of neopatrimonialism to explain African states and proposes the Strategic Relational Approach (SRA) as a more nuanced lens. Applying this to Mauritius, the author describes a 'deliberative democratic developmental state' where trade policy is an outcome of interaction between government, the private sector, and civil society. This collaborative framework, managed by the Trade Policy Unit and the Joint Public Private Sector Committee on International Trade Issues, allows Mauritius to align domestic interests with its positions at the World Trade Organization (WTO). The paper concludes with lessons for other African states on balancing domestic constituencies and including disadvantaged groups in policymaking.

The author critiques the European Union's lack of preparation for the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP) negotiations, warning that the United States is likely to use GMO products as a 'make-it-or-break-it' condition. The text argues that the EU must protect its environmental, climate, and consumer standards, and suggests that the positive agenda for TTIP should focus on energy and resource efficiency to support a low-carbon economy. It further cautions against using TTIP as a strategic tool to contain China, suggesting instead a multilateral approach to global trade to avoid dividing the world into competing blocs.