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The document examines the outcomes of the 2013 Bali Ministerial Conference, specifically the Bali Package, and its potential to break the deadlock of the Doha Development Round. While the Trade Facilitation Agreement (TFA) is highlighted as a significant achievement due to its innovative approach to special and differential treatment (SDT), the author argues that the Bali Package fails to address fundamental conflicts in agriculture, industrial goods, and services. The briefing warns that the rise of mega-regional trade agreements, such as the TPP and TTIP, threatens the centrality of the WTO if the organization cannot adapt its negotiating principles and attract political leadership from major economies.

CIEL argues that the EU's release of TTIP chemicals documents is inadequate, as it omits critical chapters on Technical Barriers to Trade, Sanitary and Phytosanitary Measures, Regulatory Coherence, Investor-State Dispute Settlement, and Pesticides. The organization warns that TTIP could undermine the ability of the EU, US, and their sub-national entities to regulate toxic chemicals and maintain high environmental and health protection standards, which are often viewed by trade negotiators as non-tariff barriers to trade.

The document analyzes the evolution of China–Zimbabwe relations from the 1960s liberation struggle to 2014. It argues that the relationship is driven by a unique 'two-way momentum' resulting from Zimbabwe's 'Look East' policy and China's FOCAC-led engagement, particularly as Zimbabwe faced Western sanctions. The author highlights a balanced development across political, economic, and military pillars, though notes that the relationship often serves as a political tool for the ZANU-PF government. Key economic findings include a surge in Chinese FDI and trade, with Zimbabwe becoming a top recipient of Chinese investment in 2013. The paper concludes that while the relationship is currently based on crisis-response pragmatism, it has the potential to pioneer a more comprehensive strategic partnership for China–Africa relations if both nations develop formal national strategies.

The paper examines the rise of 'mega-regional' trade agreements like the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) and Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP), which aim for deep regulatory integration beyond WTO standards. It argues that while overall GDP impacts on outsiders may be small, these agreements risk eroding trade preferences and establishing new global regulatory norms that could marginalise developing countries. For South Africa, the authors recommend a strategy of unilateral regulatory reform, deeper regional integration within SADC and COMESA, and constructive engagement in the WTO to avoid being left behind by 'competitive liberalisation'.

The policy brief analyzes a leaked 'chemicals annex' of the TTIP, asserting that the proposed regulatory cooperation framework would allow the chemical industry to delay the implementation of health-protective laws. It highlights a stark divide between the EU's proactive chemical regulations and the US's outdated legislation, warning that TTIP could erase these protections through harmonization and mutual recognition. The document outlines six primary concerns shared by over 110 civil society organizations, including the potential to block sub-federal regulatory action in US states and EU Member States, limit public access to toxic chemical information, and derail EU leadership on emerging issues like endocrine disruptors and nanomaterials.

The policy brief examines the utility of peer review as a 'soft law' compliance mechanism, drawing on global examples like the WTO and OECD to suggest how African regional economic communities (RECs) could implement similar systems. It specifically proposes that the African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM), which currently focuses on national governance, could be supplemented with regional reviews to better track progress on monetary, trade, and investment integration.

The briefing examines the uncertainty surrounding the renewal of the African Growth and Opportunity Act (AGOA) by the US Congress. It outlines three scenarios: a full renewal for 40 eligible countries, a renewal that excludes South Africa, and a transition to a reciprocal trade agreement similar to EU Economic Partnership Agreements (EPAs). The author argues that a full renewal, extended for 10 to 15 years and coupled with infrastructure investment and export diversification, is the most beneficial path for both Africa and the United States.

The African Growth and Opportunity Act (AGOA) is a US-Africa trade agreement established in 2001 that provides duty-free access to the US market for qualifying sub-Saharan African states. While exports from AGOA countries to the US grew by 78% between 2001 and 2014, the trade is heavily dominated by energy and commodities, with mineral fuels and oils accounting for 68% of imports. South Africa is a primary beneficiary, contributing an estimated 62,395 jobs and exporting high-end manufactured goods such as vehicles, unlike many other AGOA partners who rely on raw materials.

The document examines South Africa's economic struggle to transition from an upper-middle-income to an upper-income country, a process hindered by historical structural dualism and a trend toward de-industrialisation. It highlights similarities between South Africa and Brazil regarding commodity-based export profiles and internal debates over industrial policy. While South Africa maintains a diversified industrial base, the legacy of Apartheid-era segregated development has distorted the skills base and hampered innovation. The author argues that escaping the 'middle income trap' requires high investment, industrial competitiveness, and the resolution of structural inequality. Within the BRICS context, the document notes competitive pressures from India and China, suggesting that the New Development Bank and Contingent Reserve Fund may provide neutral channels for cooperation.

A statement from a coalition of EU, U.S., and international organizations expressing strong opposition to the inclusion of chemical regulations within the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP). The authors argue that TTIP proposals would prioritize chemical industry interests over public health and the environment by freezing protective regulations, limiting public access to hazard information, and empowering corporations to challenge domestic laws through investor-state dispute settlement (ISDS) mechanisms.

The African Growth and Opportunity Act (AGOA), which provides duty-free US market access to eligible sub-Saharan African countries, is set to expire on 30 September 2015. While the US Executive Branch conducts impact investigations and makes recommendations, the US Congress holds the central role in determining the timing and content of reauthorisation legislation. The document warns that a swift renewal is unlikely due to a partisan stalemate in Washington, the 2014 congressional elections, and opposition from US agricultural and business interest groups. It advises African leaders to prioritize advocacy with the US Legislative Branch, specifically members of committees with jurisdictional interest, rather than focusing solely on the US Executive Branch during the 2014 US–Africa Leaders Summit.

The document analyzes how comprehensive 'WTO-plus' agreements like the TPP and TTIP influence South Africa's regional trade goals. It argues that while direct GDP impacts may be modest, these agreements create risks of preference erosion—particularly in clothing and textiles—and set new global benchmarks for regulatory coherence, intellectual property, and investment that South Africa and TFTA members must adapt to avoid isolation.

The document presents findings from a 2013 South African Institute of International Affairs (SAIIA) survey of 60 diplomats and experts in Pretoria and Addis Ababa. It argues that while South Africa's commitment to an 'African Agenda' and peace resolution is respected, its overall strategic direction has become 'confusing' and 'obfuscated' under President Zuma. The briefing warns against 'trophy diplomacy'—attempting to project global influence before maturing as a geopolitical entity—and recommends reviewing the Foreign Policy White Paper to better balance relations between Africa, the West, and the emerging South. It specifically suggests that South Africa leverage shared priorities between East and Southern Africa to resolve stalled negotiations for the Tri-Partite Free Trade Area between COMESA, the ECA, and SADC.

The paper examines the shift in global trade governance from the WTO toward 'mega-regional' agreements like the TPP and TTIP, which establish new norms on issues such as the environment and labour. It warns that South Africa risks investment deflection and isolation if it continues a blocking strategy in the WTO while other BRICS nations, particularly China, consider engaging with these new frameworks. The author recommends that South Africa use regional initiatives like the Tripartite Free Trade Area to experiment with new regulatory agendas and proactively propose plurilateral initiatives within the WTO.

The document examines how the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) and Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP) challenge the BRICS nations, who have historically prioritised global financial reform and the WTO Doha Round over a collective trade strategy. It highlights a shift toward 'plurilateralism' and regionalism, noting that BRICS members are pursuing diverse regional paths, such as China's involvement in the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP) and South Africa's focus on the COMESA-SADC-EAC tripartite FTA. For South Africa, the author identifies a critical dilemma in managing the contradictions between the EU's Economic Partnership Agreements (EPAs) and the US African Growth and Opportunity Act (AGOA), recommending that South Africa leverage the TTIP negotiations to harmonise these two frameworks.

The document analyzes the stalled negotiations of the SADC EPA, focusing on export taxes, the Most Favored Nation clause, agricultural safeguards, and rules of origin. It argues that the EU should make strategic concessions on these points to avoid straining diplomatic relations and to support African industrialization.

The study analyzes South Africa's trade dynamics with Brazil, Russia, India, and China, noting a significant shift toward BRICS partners since 2000. It finds that while the EU remains a major partner, South African exports to BRICS surpassed those to the EU in 2010, driven largely by Chinese demand for natural resources. The paper highlights the dominance of India and China in trade intensity and suggests that South Africa should renegotiate trade agreements with Brazil and Russia to overcome tariff barriers.

The document analyzes China's multifaceted role in Liberia's recovery between 2003 and 2013, covering its participation in the UN Mission in Liberia (UNMIL), bilateral development aid, and large-scale investments. While China provided critical infrastructure and diplomatic support, the author argues that the economic relationship is characterized by a significant imbalance, describing it as a 'relative win' for Liberia and an 'absolute win' for China due to massive trade surpluses and favorable mining concessions.

Friends of the Earth expresses concern that EU-U.S. trade negotiations may weaken health and environmental safeguards, particularly concerning food safety, GM crops, and chemical regulations. The organization calls for the blocking of the Keystone XL pipeline and the implementation of the EU's Fuel Quality Directive to prevent the proliferation of tar sands. Additionally, it criticizes the 'EU 2030 package' as inadequate and argues that leaders are pursuing a corporate-driven agenda of deregulation rather than investing in energy efficiency and community-owned renewables.

The report examines the trade policies of BRICS nations within the WTO framework, highlighting their transition from individual actors to a coordinated group. It specifically analyzes their roles in the Doha Round, where they collaborated through groups like G-20 Agriculture and NAMA-11 to challenge the dominance of the US and EU. The text details their divergent and convergent interests in agriculture, non-agricultural market access, anti-dumping, and intellectual property, while assessing their use of the WTO's dispute settlement mechanism. It concludes that while BRICS has achieved significant political cohesion in multilateral trade forums, substantial differences in their domestic economic models and commercial interests persist.