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The report assesses worldwide methane emissions from the oil and gas sector, estimating 2010 emissions at 1,554 MMTCO2e. It argues that methane is a critical target for short-term climate mitigation due to its 20-year global warming potential (GWP) being 72 times that of carbon dioxide. The document details over 80 abatement technologies, such as vapor recovery units and infrared leak imaging cameras, while analyzing barriers including government price controls, lack of industry knowledge, and the complexities of the Clean Development Mechanism (CDM).

The document argues that Uganda's current legal framework, specifically the Companies Bill of 2009 and the Petroleum Bills of 2012, is insufficient for the governance of its proposed national oil company (NOC) because it focuses on shareholders rather than a broader range of stakeholders. By contrasting this with Norway's model—which utilizes the Department of State Ownership to enforce transparency, performance targets, and independent board control—the author recommends that Uganda enact mandatory corporate governance guidelines for SOEs and establish a central supervisory institution to prevent corruption and government interference.

The document finds that while trade among BRICS nations has grown, intra-BRICS FDI remains low and lacks strategic policy direction. Most BRICS countries rely on traditional investors from the EU, US, and Japan, though China, India, and Brazil have increased resource-seeking investments in Africa. The briefing recommends collaborative research, comparative studies of investment frameworks, and improved statistics to foster sustainable, development-oriented FDI within the bloc.

The document analyzes how money spent on gasoline is distributed among stakeholders, finding that the majority goes to oil companies rather than local stations or the consumers themselves. It argues that drivers can save thousands of dollars over a vehicle's lifetime by choosing fuel-efficient or hybrid vehicles instead of continuing to fund oil company profits.

The document argues that current climate policies focus too heavily on the demand side, allowing fossil fuel exporting countries to increase production with little impact on their own territorial emissions accounts. It proposes 'extraction-based emissions accounting', which attributes CO2 emissions to the country where fuels are extracted, as a way to promote producer responsibility and identify economic vulnerabilities. The brief notes that countries heavily dependent on high-carbon exports face risks of 'stranded' assets if global demand declines, as projected in some IEA scenarios. Additionally, it suggests integrating life-cycle assessments (LCA) to account for varying upstream emissions, such as those from Canadian oil sands, which can be significantly higher than conventional crude.

The document argues that rigid performance standards for Canada's oil and gas sector are likely to result in non-compliance and high costs due to the diverse abatement potentials across subsectors. By implementing flexibility mechanisms—such as in-sector credit trading and out-of-sector options like low-cost domestic reductions (LCDRs) and price ceilings—the government can achieve more stringent emissions intensity targets. Modelling suggests that while a 20% intensity improvement is achievable with in-sector flexibility, a 50% improvement requires flexibility beyond the sector to be feasible.

The briefing argues that Shell exerts significant influence over the Rio+20 process by occupying senior leadership roles in a 'complex and hermetic web' of interlinked business associations and UN-affiliated initiatives. It details Shell's presence in the International Chamber of Commerce (ICC), World Business Council for Sustainable Development (WBCSD), UN Global Compact, IPIECA, and IETA, highlighting how these entities coordinate through Business Action for Sustainable Development 2012 (BASD) to shape sustainable development policy.

The Centre for Environmental Rights (CER), acting for groundWork and the Vaal Environmental Justice Alliance (VEJA), submitted a statement to the Department of Environmental Affairs on 31 January 2012. The document objects to proposed amendments to the National Environmental Management: Air Quality Act, 2004’s list of activities resulting in atmospheric emissions, arguing that the changes generally relax emission limits, extend compliance time-frames, and were developed through a non-transparent process that favored industry representatives over affected communities.

A coalition of environmental organizations argues that the EPA's proposed rules for the oil and gas industry are insufficient. They demand the direct regulation of methane, the inclusion of existing sources, the elimination of exemptions for certain wells, and the regulation of hydrogen sulfide and particulate matter. The coalition also calls for more stringent toxic air pollutant limits and a more comprehensive health risk assessment for vulnerable populations.

This report by Friends of the Earth International highlights the 'ecological war' waged by extractive industries, detailing the deaths and repression of activists in countries such as Nigeria, the Philippines, and Colombia. It argues that Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR) is a myth used to mask systemic abuses and calls for an end to fossil fuel addiction and the protection of indigenous territories.

Since the return to civilian rule in 1999, Nigeria has shifted its foreign policy to prioritize domestic economic development and political stability over the pursuit of regional prestige. The country has pursued a 'charm offensive' to remove its pariah status and has balanced strategic partnerships with traditional powers (US, UK, France, Russia) and emerging powers (China, India, Brazil). Key priorities include debt relief, infrastructure development, and security cooperation, with a particular emphasis on 'exchanging oil for development' in its relations with China and Brazil.

The document details a 2010 UNEP study aimed at mapping oil pollution in Ogoniland, Nigeria, to facilitate a clean-up plan. It highlights the historical conflict between the Ogoni people and Shell, the political tensions surrounding the study's publication, and the broader need for environmental remediation across the Niger Delta, calling for the home governments of international oil companies to provide expertise and pressure for regulation.

The document examines India's strategic shift toward Africa to diversify its energy imports and reduce dependence on the Middle East. It contrasts India's 'hybrid model' of engagement—which combines resource extraction with capacity building and infrastructure development—against the more mercantilist approaches of other powers. The author argues that for the partnership to be sustainable, India should leverage its expertise in renewable energy and rural electrification to support Africa's own development goals.

The Amici (Fundación Pachamama and IISD) argue that the tribunal should dismiss Chevron's arbitration claims because they seek to interfere in a domestic civil case in Ecuador to which the State is not a party. They contend that the tribunal cannot act as a supervisory or appellate court over ongoing domestic proceedings, especially since Chevron previously agreed to the jurisdiction of Ecuadorian courts to avoid U.S. litigation. Furthermore, they argue that granting the requested relief would violate the international human rights of the indigenous plaintiffs in the Lago Agrio case by denying them access to justice and a fair judicial process.

The author, a Shell executive, asserts that achieving a sustainable energy future requires integrating sustainable development into business decisions and establishing a collaborative relationship between governments and industry. Shell utilizes 'scenarios' to navigate energy uncertainty and advocates for the 'Blueprints' model, which emphasizes anticipation of environmental issues. The paper highlights carbon capture and storage (CCS) as a critical technology for large emitters, noting that public policy and financial support, such as carbon pricing, are essential for its commercial viability. Using examples from Wyoming and Brazil, the author demonstrates how industry can manage environmental risks and community concerns. Finally, the document emphasizes that governments must appreciate the immense costs, long lead times, and technical challenges of energy production—exemplified by the Perdido project—to set workable regulations.

The report examines the increasing links between commercial sectors and science, arguing that the commercialisation agenda leads to negative outcomes such as research bias and conflicts of interest across five specific industries.

The document analyzes the bilateral relationship between Nigeria and China, noting a shift in strategy following the transition from President Olusegun Obasanjo to Umaru Musa Yar’Adua. It argues that the 'oil for infrastructure' model failed due to Nigeria's electoral cycle and governance issues, leading China to adopt a lower-risk strategy of purchasing established oil companies. Despite political volatility, Chinese multinational companies continue to expand their market share in Nigeria's construction, telecommunications, and power sectors due to competitive pricing and access to state-backed credit.

The report argues that the increasing commercialisation of science and technology, driven by government policy in the UK and USA, has eroded the traditional academic ethos of openness and objectivity. Through case studies of the pharmaceutical, tobacco, military/defence, oil and gas, and biotechnology sectors, the authors demonstrate that corporate funding often leads to 'sponsorship bias', where results are skewed to favour funders. The document highlights the marginalisation of public-interest research—such as disease prevention, sustainable agriculture, and renewable energy—in favour of profit-driven goals. It concludes with recommendations for universities to adopt ethical standards for partnerships and for the UK government to decouple science policy from purely economic objectives.

The report examines how commercial involvement in science and technology introduces bias, marginalises public-interest research, and erodes academic objectivity. It focuses on the pharmaceutical, tobacco, military/defence, oil and gas, and biotechnology sectors, arguing that the 'corporate' mindset encouraged by UK policy undermines the traditional ethos of openness and objectivity in universities.

The paper identifies national-level energy planning as a barrier to energy access in Africa and proposes regional integration to expand market size and diversify energy sources. It specifically critiques the Southern Africa Power Pool (SAPP) for its 'loose pool' structure and suggests creating a regional energy regulator and a regional bourse to increase transparency, reduce risk, and engage the private sector.