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The report examines the transition of the U.S. power sector from coal to natural gas, noting that while this shift provides immediate benefits, it introduces risks such as price volatility, methane leakage, and potential 'stranded assets'. Using the National Energy Modeling System, the analysis compares a 'Business as Usual' scenario with a 'Carbon Standard plus Renewables and Efficiency Policies' scenario. The findings suggest that the latter would reduce power plant carbon emissions by 70 percent below 2005 levels by 2040, lower consumer energy bills, and provide significant net societal benefits, reaching nearly $170 billion by 2040.

The report examines the transition of the U.S. power sector from coal to natural gas, highlighting that while this shift provides immediate reductions in some pollutants, it creates long-term risks including price volatility, methane leakage, and stranded assets. Through modeling three scenarios—Business as Usual, a Carbon Standard, and a Carbon Standard plus Renewables and Efficiency Policies—the authors find that a diversified energy mix is the most economically and environmentally sound approach. The 'Carbon Standard plus Renewables and Efficiency Policies' scenario is projected to reduce power plant carbon emissions by 70% below 2005 levels by 2040 and generate net societal benefits of nearly $170 billion by that year. The report recommends strengthening the EPA's Clean Power Plan, implementing federal renewable electricity and energy efficiency standards, and increasing regulations on fugitive methane emissions.

The report argues that TTIP's regulatory cooperation provisions, primarily based on EU proposals, would institutionalize oversight of US state-level legislation and regulations by federal and international bodies. This framework would likely lead to 'regulatory chill' through onerous procedural requirements, such as early warning systems and trade impact assessments, which favor industry influence over public interest. The document highlights that US states often act as the primary regulators of toxic chemicals and pesticides when federal action is lax, and that TTIP's goal of 'regulatory compatibility' could effectively set federal or international standards as a ceiling, preventing states from adopting more protective measures. It specifically warns that such mechanisms could be used to challenge state-level bans on substances like Bisphenol A (BPA) or pesticide residue monitoring programs in California.

The Lima Declaration, issued during the Peoples Summit on Climate Change in December 2014, rejects market-based climate solutions and the 'capitalist-patriarchal system'. It demands the recognition of territorial property rights for indigenous and peasant communities, the reparation of 'historical ecological debt' owed by developed countries to the global South, and a transition to a communal, feminist economy based on food sovereignty and agro-ecology. The document specifically denounces the influence of transnational corporations on the UNFCCC and calls for the cessation of extractive industries and agrofuel production.

The Lima Declaration, issued during the 2014 People's Summit, rejects market-based climate mechanisms and the 'green economy' as false solutions driven by capital. It demands the recognition of historical ecological debts owed by developed nations to the Global South, the protection of ancestral territories from extractive industries, and a transition to a feminist, communal, and agroecological economic model. The statement specifically calls for a global financial transaction tax and compensation for non-industrialized countries that avoid exploiting fossil fuels, while criticizing the Peruvian government's role as COP 20 president for prioritizing private investment over human and environmental rights.

The statement emphasizes that climate change disproportionately increases the burdens and vulnerabilities of women, particularly regarding poverty, food and water shortages, and violence. It calls for future climate agreements to include equitable provisions and for governments to recognize and protect women's leadership in climate activism, noting that the systemic causes of violence against women and nature are identical.

The author contends that the TTIP and CETA trade agreements allow corporations to bypass national courts and sue EU governments in the London Court of International Arbitration (LCIA) via the ISDS clause. The text highlights 2014 updates to LCIA rules that allegedly make it easier for corporations to sue taxpayers, limit the ability of governments to challenge arbitrator impartiality, and allow for corporate class action suits. The author warns that these mechanisms could be used to block environmental protections, such as bans on fracking, or prevent the reversal of public service privatisations, effectively placing corporate interests above democratic law.

The document analyzes the evolving energy partnership between the US and South Africa, framed by the US's shift toward energy independence via shale gas and its 'Power Africa' initiative. While South Africa is interested in the US model for shale gas and renewables, the briefing argues that South Africa must remain cautious regarding hydraulic fracturing due to severe water constraints and infrastructure gaps. It highlights the US-South Africa Strategic Dialogue as a mechanism for cooperation on clean energy, carbon capture, and hydrocarbon development, while noting that US initiatives in Africa have targeted a limited number of countries.

The report analyzes how the EU 28 can decrease its reliance on natural gas imports through cost-effective energy efficiency and renewable energy deployment across the buildings, industry, and energy supply sectors. It argues that these measures can reduce the share of natural gas in primary energy demand to 16% by 2030, significantly outperforming the European Commission's proposed 2030 framework.

The author contends that the exclusion of the Green Party from the 2015 UK televised election debates is an "attack on democracy," arguing that the party's electoral performance, membership growth, and policy positions justify its inclusion alongside other parties like UKIP and the Liberal Democrats.

The House passed H.R. 2, a package of 13 energy bills that the author claims would expand offshore drilling, deregulate hydraulic fracturing, and support tar sands and oil shale. The document asserts that the bill prioritizes polluters over renewable energy and would likely be vetoed by President Obama.

The report identifies significant risks associated with shale gas extraction, including regulatory failures, threats to climate goals, and water scarcity. It specifically challenges claims that fracking will lower energy bills in the UK and warns of potential negative impacts on energy security.

In 2013, the oil and gas industry in the Bakken formation of North Dakota flared 32% of all produced gas. Analysis shows that 57% of statewide flaring occurred at wells already connected to gathering pipelines, and the majority of flaring (72%) took place on private or state-owned land. While flaring rates were higher on the Fort Berthold Indian Reservation (46%) compared to the statewide average, rates on Federal public lands were slightly lower than those on private or state land.

The document examines South Africa's struggle to transition from a high-carbon, coal-based energy economy to a green economy. It analyzes the role of the state-owned utility Eskom, the impact of the Renewable Energy Independent Power Producer Procurement Programme (REIPPP), and various financial and regulatory incentives designed to attract private investment in renewables. The author argues that while policy signals are positive, a lack of inter-departmental coordination and the entrenched nature of the minerals-energy complex hinder the transition.

Earthjustice and a coalition of nonprofit organizations petition the EPA to regulate oil and gas wells as area sources, arguing that the rapid expansion of drilling—particularly via hydraulic fracturing—in metropolitan areas poses a non-negligible risk to public health. The document details the emission of toxic air pollutants such as benzene and formaldehyde, highlights the vulnerability of children and overburdened communities, and identifies significant regulatory gaps in existing EPA rules. It concludes that available technologies, such as green completions and vapor recovery units, can substantially reduce these emissions.

The analysis reveals a sharp ideological divide between left-wing parties (PES, EGP, EL) and right-wing parties (EPP, ALDE) concerning the causes of the financial crisis and the role of public investment. While there is broad consensus on the need for a transition to renewable energy, the European Green Party (EGP) is the only party providing specific quantitative targets for carbon emissions and energy efficiency. Democratic reform is prioritized by smaller parties (ALDE, EGP, EL), whereas the larger PES and EPP parties largely ignore treaty reform in their platforms.

The report assesses the 2009-2014 European Parliament term from a Green perspective, highlighting victories in energy efficiency, data protection, and fisheries, while critiquing the influence of fossil fuel and agro-industrial lobbies. It argues for a more democratic, social, and ecologically sustainable European Union to counter neoliberal austerity and conservative pushback.

An anti-fracking coalition in South Africa opposes Minister Susan Shabangu's plan for shale gas exploration in the Karoo, describing it as an extractive process that benefits a small elite while threatening the natural environment and ignoring the needs of local residents for agrarian transformation and basic services.

The Centre for Environmental Rights (CER) argues that current proposed fracking regulations in South Africa are inadequate because they rely on industry standards and are housed under the Mineral and Petroleum Resources Development Act (MPRDA) rather than comprehensive environmental laws. The document advocates for a regulatory regime based on the Constitution and the National Environmental Management Act (NEMA), calling for a specialised inter-departmental unit to oversee authorisations and enforcement. Key recommendations include mandatory baseline environmental measurements, public disclosure of fracking fluid chemicals, a prohibition on using potable water, and the implementation of 'green completions' to eliminate gas venting and flaring. The CER emphasizes that fracking should only be permitted if it can be proven to contribute to sustainable development without causing irreparable harm to water resources or disadvantaged communities.

The briefing outlines a strategic policy framework for California to maintain its climate leadership and reach its 2050 emissions targets. It emphasizes the need for a 2030 carbon cap to provide investment certainty and recommends specific reforms: transitioning utilities to performance-based regulation, implementing energy labels for existing buildings, enhancing the Low Carbon Fuel Standard, and establishing 'gold standard' methane emissions regulations. The authors also advocate for regional cooperation with other U.S. states and technical collaboration with China to scale clean energy technologies globally.