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The document examines the iBorderCtrl project, an EU-funded initiative that developed an AI-based 'lie detector' (ADDS) to identify deceitful third-country nationals at Schengen borders. The author argues that the project is not 'just research' but is driven by the securitisation of migrants, who are framed as security threats to justify the use of high-risk, experimental technology. The thesis finds that the project operated in a weakly regulated legal space where fundamental rights were treated as barriers rather than guiding principles. It further contends that migrants are treated as 'rights-optional' test subjects due to power imbalances and a lack of thorough ethical assessments, which the author describes as a 'rushed process'.

The report analyzes the relationship between human rights NGOs and the law in Colombia, specifically regarding forced displacement between 2002 and 2012. It proposes a typology of legal mobilization: 'appropriation' (strategic use of legal resources), 'adaptation' (weaving existing goals into new legal frameworks), and 'resistance' (proposing alternative frameworks outside dominant legal norms). Through three case studies, it details how Colemad fought 'legal dispossession' of land in the Atlantic coast, how the CNMI integrated indigenous cosmovisions and 'spiritual violence' into national legislation, and how COCA shifted from standard workshops to ancestral healing practices in Putumayo to address the psychological trauma of war. The text also highlights systemic challenges for these organizations, including precarious international funding, the 'privatization of social work,' and persistent insecurity from armed actors.

The document is a comprehensive survey instrument used by the MAPS project in Colombia. It gathers demographic data and assesses public trust in various institutions, including the national government, the police, and the United Nations. A significant portion of the survey focuses on the 2016 peace agreement between the Colombian Government and the FARC-EP, measuring satisfaction with its content and implementation, as well as perceptions of disarmament and reintegration. It also investigates the history of violence in local communities, the role of armed groups such as the ELN and AUC, and the effectiveness of transitional justice and victim reparations. Finally, it includes experimental sections to test respondent reactions to specific policy proposals attributed to different political or social actors.

The study examines the implementation of rights-based approaches (RBA) in Pakistan, focusing on Norwegian Church Aid (NCA) and its partners. It finds that global RBA norms are rarely applied directly via international law but are instead translated into three frameworks: humanitarian standards, citizen rights, and Islamic principles. The author identifies two modes of engaging with religion: 'instrumental engagement,' where religious leaders are used as gatekeepers to achieve project goals, and 'substantial engagement,' where the substance of religion is used to find overlapping values with human rights, particularly regarding women's rights. The paper argues that religion is an integral part of the lifeworld of aid recipients and essential for gaining legitimacy in the Pakistani humanitarian arena.

The MAPS project evaluates citizen trust and satisfaction with the Colombian peace process and state presence in PDET zones. Preliminary findings indicate that while some satisfaction exists, interpersonal and institutional trust remains low, and security perceptions vary, with two-thirds of respondents fearing a return of conflict to their communities.

The research examines the interaction effects of business-development partnerships in the Global South, arguing that the current global model often prioritizes corporate interests and high-level rhetoric over grounded social impact. Through narrative inquiry and case studies in the Democratic Republic of Congo, Myanmar, and Dubai, the author illustrates how corporate operations can inadvertently fund conflict, confer legitimacy to violent actors, and facilitate the laundering of conflict minerals, despite public commitments to the UN Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs). The paper concludes that non-binding, self-reported frameworks like the UN Global Compact are insufficient and that binding, independently verified regulatory initiatives are necessary to ensure peace-positive business action.

The document argues that Australia's mandatory off-shore processing regime in Nauru and Papua New Guinea constitutes a violation of the principle of non-refoulement. It contends that by transferring asylum seekers to facilities characterized by arbitrary detention, inadequate medical care, and conditions akin to torture, Australia exercises extraterritorial jurisdiction and remains legally responsible for these human rights violations. The author warns that this model serves as a blueprint for similar externalization policies currently emerging in the European Union.

The document examines the systemic marginalization of Rohingya refugees in Cox's Bazar, Bangladesh, highlighting how the denial of formal education and legal employment pushes refugees toward desperate survival measures, including drug trafficking and hazardous migration. It critiques the Bangladeshi government's restrictive policies and the forced relocation to Bhasan Char, while calling for an inclusive, negotiated solution involving Myanmar, Bangladesh, and the refugees themselves.

The conference reviewed the achievements and challenges of the APRM from 2003 to 2013, emphasizing the critical but often inconsistent role of civil society organisations (CSOs) in monitoring and implementing National Programmes of Action (NPoAs). Key discussions focused on the need to universalise the mechanism, integrate it into the emerging African Governance Architecture (AGA), and better harness the contributions of the African diaspora and youth.

The document examines the African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM), a voluntary governance assessment tool launched by the African Union in 2002 under the New Partnership for Africa’s Development (NEPAD). It details the five-stage review process—ranging from national self-assessment to peer pressure from heads of state—and analyzes the varying degrees of civil society involvement in early adopters like Ghana, Rwanda, Mauritius, and Kenya. The authors argue that the efficacy of the APRM depends on the transparency of final reports and the willingness of African leadership to implement national action plans.

The report examines the 2022 Russian seizure of the Zaporizhzhia Nuclear Power Plant (ZNPP) as a precedent that exposes critical gaps in international nuclear safety laws. It argues that existing frameworks, including the Pelindaba Treaty, are insufficient to address contemporary risks such as the military occupation of operational plants, drone warfare, and the targeting of supporting infrastructure like power grids and dams. The authors highlight severe human rights violations against ZNPP personnel and the limited enforcement mandate of the IAEA. To safeguard Africa's growing nuclear ambitions, the report recommends the African Union adopt a common position on nuclear safety during conflict, advocate for binding international regulations to prevent the occupation of nuclear facilities, and expand protections to include critical supporting infrastructure.

The document introduces the FIRE framework, which consists of six dimensions—fundamental rights and equality, non-discrimination, participation and access to information, governance systems and structures, agency and empowerment, and social norms and context—designed to guide decision-makers in integrating human rights and gender equality into disaster risk reduction (DRR) and climate resilience (CR). It argues that social inequality is a key driver of vulnerability and that standard data collection, such as sex-, age- and disability-disaggregated (SADD) data, is insufficient on its own to understand the root causes of risk. The brief provides specific guidance on applying these principles to risk assessments, risk-informed development and land-use planning, and emergency preparedness and response, including early warning, evacuation, and camp management.

This fact sheet introduces the Framework for Integrating Rights and Equality (FIRE), developed by the Building Resilience through Inclusive and Climate-adaptive Disaster Risk Reduction in Asia-Pacific (BRDR) Program. The framework provides a six-dimensional approach to integrate human rights and gender equality into disaster risk reduction (DRR) laws, policies, and practices from national to local levels.

The document outlines a partnership between the International Organization for Migration (IOM) and the Stockholm Environment Institute (SEI) to explore how environmental stressors drive international labour migration in Asia and increase vulnerability to forced labour. It highlights that sectors such as agriculture, forestry, fisheries, and construction are both drivers of environmental destruction and sites of migrant exploitation. The project's second phase focuses on agricultural labour supply chains in specific corridors—Cambodia and Myanmar to Thailand, and Bangladesh and Indonesia to Malaysia—to inform policymakers and businesses on protecting migrant workers and maximizing migration as an adaptation strategy.

The Strategic Collaborative Fund (SCF), launched in 2018 by SEI Asia with support from Sida, aims to enhance the 2030 Agenda in Asia and the Pacific through capacity building, knowledge sharing, and regional collaboration. The programme focuses on transboundary environmental policy development using a rights-based approach that prioritizes gender and social equality. Its activities include inter-regional cooperation with China and Europe, regional cooperation within Asia involving the private sector, and the provision of grants for initiatives contributing to the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs). Recent featured events have addressed eco-city construction and marine ecosystems in China, sustainable consumption and production in Japan, climate change adaptation and indigenous knowledge in Indonesia, and sustainable agriculture in Laos.

The Strategic Collaborative Fund Phase 2 (SCF2), implemented by SEI Asia and funded by Sida, operated from 2018 to 2023 to advance the 2030 Agenda in Asia. The programme focused on four components: inter-regional cooperation (ASEAN, China, and Europe), regional cooperation in Asia on transboundary issues, learning and capacity development via MOOCs, and programme management. Key achievements include the support of the China-ASEAN Environment Cooperation Forum and the Asia-Europe Environment Forum, the development of courses on human rights and gender equality, and the promotion of inclusive climate finance and nature-based solutions in South and Southeast Asian cities.

The document examines the heightened vulnerability of Myanmar migrant workers in Thailand during the Covid-19 pandemic and previous disasters, such as the 2004 tsunami and 2011 floods. It identifies root causes of this vulnerability, including discriminatory labour laws, precarious living conditions, and limited social protection. While the pandemic saw some pragmatic, inclusive measures—such as universal health access and visa amnesties—the brief argues that these should be institutionalized. It recommends a human-rights-based, multi-hazard approach to DRR that involves migrants in hazard mapping, provides multilingual communication, and streamlines social security access to build broader societal resilience.

The fact sheet emphasizes that a just energy transition must be measured by transformed lives rather than megawatts. It highlights critical gaps in Latin America, including the persistence of energy poverty, a significant imbalance between fossil fuel and renewable energy employment, and the prevalence of socio-environmental conflicts. The document calls for COP 30 to establish binding citizen participation mechanisms and policies for workforce reconversion to prevent deepening social and territorial inequalities.

The report critiques the Indonesian government's strategy of using natural gas as a 'bridge' fuel, specifically focusing on planned gas infrastructure in Bali, including a Floating Storage Regasification Unit (FSRU) and several gas power plants (PLTG). It argues that gas is not a clean energy source due to methane leaks and carbon emissions, which contribute to the extreme weather and water crises already affecting Bali. The document highlights social and environmental damages from existing gas projects, such as the PLTGU Pemaron, and argues that Bali's significant renewable energy potential—estimated up to 26 GW—should be prioritized over fossil fuels to achieve true energy independence and climate resilience.

The document outlines a framework for a just energy transition in Indonesia, advocating for a shift from extractive, centralized energy systems to regenerative, democratic ones. It demands transparency in funding mechanisms like JETP, the protection of human rights and indigenous land sovereignty, and the phased closure of all coal-fired power plants (PLTU) by 2040. The authors call for the rejection of 'false solutions' such as gas, nuclear energy, and carbon capture, while urging the government to implement inclusive green jobs and a bottom-up approach to renewable energy infrastructure.