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The global trade union movement criticizes the Rio+20 Summit Declaration for lacking targets, timelines, and a strategic vision for planetary justice. The statement argues that the summit failed to provide a new model of development to address unemployment, poverty, and environmental destruction, while noting a significant lack of public trust in government economic decision-making.

The author contends that industrialised governments at Rio+20 have avoided reaffirming key 1992 Rio principles, specifically 'common but differentiated responsibility' and the 'precautionary principle'. The text further rejects the 'Green Economy' framework, arguing that it prioritizes economic mechanisms and monetary valuation over democratic participation and risks turning nature into a subject of financial speculation.

Irish Green Party leader Eamon Ryan advocates for Ireland's continued membership in the Eurozone, arguing that a breakup would offer no benefits. He proposes a 'Green' economic model based on productivity and innovation, similar to the German and Scandinavian models, to ensure prosperity while reducing environmental impact. Ryan calls for a more federal Europe with restored democratic legitimacy, a resolution to Ireland's debt payment issues, and the adoption of a Financial Transaction Tax to curb speculative capitalism.

The briefing argues that Shell exerts significant influence over the Rio+20 process by occupying senior leadership roles in a 'complex and hermetic web' of interlinked business associations and UN-affiliated initiatives. It details Shell's presence in the International Chamber of Commerce (ICC), World Business Council for Sustainable Development (WBCSD), UN Global Compact, IPIECA, and IETA, highlighting how these entities coordinate through Business Action for Sustainable Development 2012 (BASD) to shape sustainable development policy.

The authors argue that the Green Economy approach, as defined by UNEP, fails to protect biodiversity because it treats nature as 'Natural Capital' and relies on market-based tools like Payment for Ecosystem Services (PES). They propose a shift toward a biocentric perspective that recognizes the intrinsic value and legal rights of nature, independent of human utility. The paper highlights Ecuador as a pioneer in constitutional recognition of nature's rights and suggests practical global targets, including the strict protection of 10% of the world's eco-regions and a transition to 100% organic production.

The Green Economy Pocketbook advocates for a systemic shift toward a green economy to combat economic instability and environmental decline. It proposes redefining progress through wellbeing indicators, redirecting financial flows via green public procurement and the removal of subsidies, and investing in high-impact sectors like renewable energy and sustainable agriculture. The guide emphasizes a just transition through education and skills training to reduce poverty and inequality, while warning that current resource-intensive growth is unsustainable. It also highlights the growth of Payments for Ecosystem Services (PES) and proposes nine guiding principles for a fair and inclusive green economy.

Minister Molewa's 2012 Budget Vote Speech details South Africa's commitment to a 'just transition' to a low-carbon, green economy. Key initiatives include the implementation of the National Climate Change Response Policy, the rollout of a 800 million Rand Green Fund, and the creation of biodiversity jobs through SANBI. The speech also addresses the National Waste Management Strategy, the fight against rhino poaching through SADC collaboration and CITES engagement, and the streamlining of Environmental Impact Assessments (EIAs) to balance economic growth with sustainability.

The report analyzes the social, environmental, and business performance of 1,337 SMMEs in developing countries, with a focus on the 2011 applicant cohort. It identifies a strong trend toward the adoption of new technologies and a shift in organizational identity from strictly non-profit to hybrid or for-profit models. Key barriers include a lack of financial resources, limited access to technical research partners, and a deficiency in local-level environmental monitoring and enforcement. The study also highlights gender disparities, noting that women-led enterprises often face greater challenges in accessing business management skills and markets.

The report examines the role of small, micro, and medium enterprises (SMMEs) in driving a 'pro-poor' green economy in developing countries. Based on a three-year study of over 1,300 enterprises, it finds that these entities provide critical environmental services and poverty alleviation but face significant barriers, including limited access to finance, technical expertise, and a disconnect between national macro-strategies and local implementation. The document argues for a shift toward hybrid business models and the adoption of Triple Bottom Line planning to ensure financial sustainability and measurable impact.

The statement by the Green Economy Coalition emphasizes that while sustainable development models are proven, the global pace of transition is too slow, leaving many economies locked in unsustainable patterns. It calls for bold leadership to overcome government caution following the economic crisis and proposes specific actions for the Rio conference, including clarifying green economy principles, improving progress metrics, and redirecting investment flows to support sustainability.

The author contends that overcoming the crisis requires surpassing national sovereignty in favor of a federal European Union to regulate financial markets and climate change. The text proposes a green economy based on massive innovation in green technologies and building insulation to create non-delocalisable jobs and reduce climate imbalance. Finally, it argues for a departure from traditional political strategies based on GDP growth and consumption, citing the reality of a world with limited resources.

The briefing argues that the G20 and Rio+20 summits lack concrete deliverables and proposes a 'green growth guarantee' to provide developing countries with indicators, planning support, financial engagement, and peer review. The author highlights the growth of catalyst funds leveraging private investment and the need for a unified approach to sustainable development planning to avoid duplicating efforts across different international frameworks.

The report details a global movement of small-scale farmers and activists resisting the corporate power of agribusiness, specifically Monsanto. It highlights legal battles, moratoria, and direct actions against GM crops in Europe, India, Latin America, and Africa. The document argues that the 'green economy' and 'climate-smart agriculture' frameworks are being used to further corporate control over seeds and land through market-based mechanisms and carbon offsets, while promoting food sovereignty as a sustainable alternative.

The report details a global movement of peasants and civil society organizations resisting Monsanto's influence on agriculture. It highlights specific battles in Europe, India, Latin America, and Africa, where activists fight against GMO seeds, toxic pesticides like Roundup, and the corporate control of seed systems. The document argues that the 'green economy' and 'climate-smart agriculture' are market-driven frameworks that facilitate corporate land grabbing and the spread of biotechnology. It advocates for food sovereignty—the right of peoples to define their own food and production systems—as a sustainable path to mitigate climate change and ensure food security.

The report documents global opposition to Monsanto and other biotechnology firms, highlighting the social and environmental costs of GM crops. It details resistance movements in Europe, India, Latin America, and Africa, while critiquing the 'green economy' and 'climate-smart agriculture' as market-driven mechanisms that reinforce corporate control. The authors advocate for food sovereignty and peasant-led agroecology as the only viable paths to climate resilience and food security.

The author identifies three failures of 'first wave' environmentalism: a failure to establish the relative urgency of environmental crises compared to immediate economic crises, the lack of a convincing narrative on growth in Agenda 21, and the tendency for environmental agendas to be managed by environmental ministers rather than economic development ministers. While the author praises the UN Secretary General's High Level Panel report for addressing these issues through recommendations on fiscal policy and a sustainable economy, he warns that the 'zero draft' of the Rio+20 outcome document remains largely aspirational and risks falling back into the 'environmental trap'.

The document examines the historical evolution of the link between human rights and the environment across UN conferences and argues that the Rio+20 process, specifically its 'Zero Draft' outcome document, fails to adequately operationalize this linkage. It suggests that a rights-based approach is essential to prevent the 'green economy' theme from eclipsing social and environmental dimensions of sustainable development. The brief recommends that Rio+20 explicitly recognize the right to a healthy environment, integrate this right into the mandates of new environmental organizations or the Ombudsman for Future Generations, and pursue a global or regional treaty to elaborate on the procedural rights of access to information, public participation, and access to justice as outlined in Principle 10 of the Rio Declaration.

President Jacob Zuma's 2012 State of the Nation Address focuses on a "massive infrastructure development drive" to combat unemployment, poverty, and inequality. The plan includes five geographically-focussed programmes to integrate rail, road, and water infrastructure, alongside significant investments in ports and mining beneficiation. The address also highlights the transition toward a green economy, including solar energy targets and the management of acid mine drainage, while reporting on progress in education, health, and land reform.

The document examines Vale's dual strategy of expanding global coal and mining operations while lobbying for lenient carbon offsetting regulations and implementing 'green' projects that the authors claim exacerbate the climate crisis. It highlights specific negative impacts in Mozambique and Brazil, and describes how Vale influences national and international climate policy to benefit its business interests.

The document examines how Vale leverages its relationship with the Brazilian government to lobby for lenient climate regulations and financial incentives for carbon offsets. It highlights the contradiction between Vale's corporate sustainability claims and its actual operations, specifically citing the Moatize coal project in Mozambique and the TKCSA steel plant in Brazil. The report characterizes these market-based mechanisms, including the Clean Development Mechanism (CDM) and REDD, as 'false solutions' that facilitate corporate profit while causing social displacement and environmental degradation.