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The Clean Air Task Force (CATF) evaluates the EPA's New Source Performance Standards for the oil and natural gas industry, noting that the rules will reduce VOCs by hundreds of thousands of tons and methane by 1.0 to 1.7 million tons annually. However, CATF criticizes a 2.5-year delay in requiring 'green-completion' for fracked wells and the total exclusion of the natural gas transmission and storage segment, which emits over 2 million tons of methane and 65,000 tons of VOC per year.

The document critiques the application of carbon trading in Africa, asserting that the continent remains marginal to the global market. It highlights how the Clean Development Mechanism (CDM) creates perverse incentives, such as rewarding illegal gas flaring in Nigeria or subsidising fossil fuel dependence, while providing minimal financial benefit to local communities. The author argues that carbon offsets act as an 'avoided responsibility mechanism' for the global North and recommends shifting toward more just forms of climate finance.

The report details 12 sustainability cases involving Royal Dutch Shell, highlighting systemic issues such as oil spills and gas flaring in Nigeria, toxic pesticide contamination in Brazil, and the high carbon intensity of Canadian tar sands. It examines the company's expansion into unconventional gas through fracking and its influence on political processes in the UK, Netherlands, and other host countries. The document argues that Shell's business strategy prioritizes profit over environmental and human rights, often employing a 'double standard' in its operational safety and reporting.

The document outlines four decades of activism by Friends of the Earth International, highlighting specific successes in banning commercial whaling in Spain, prohibiting open-pit mining in Costa Rica, and establishing the first climate change law in the UK. It details diverse campaigns against coal power in Germany, oil pollution in Nigeria, and genetically modified organisms in Europe, while emphasizing the role of grassroots mobilization and legal action in achieving environmental protections and human rights.

This report highlights the achievements of Friends of the Earth International (FoEI) over four decades, detailing specific campaigns against extractive industries, pollution, and unsustainable development. It documents legal victories, such as the ban on open-pit mining in Costa Rica and the recognition of water as a human right in Uruguay, as well as grassroots successes in reforestation in Belgium and the protection of eucalyptus forests in Australia. The text emphasizes the role of international solidarity and legal action in challenging neoliberal globalization and protecting the rights of indigenous peoples and local communities.

The report documents various environmental and social justice campaigns led by Friends of the Earth (FoE) member groups across the globe. Key achievements include the 2008 UK Climate Change Act, a ban on open-pit metal mining in Costa Rica (2010), and the cessation of commercial whaling in Spain (1985). The document also details ongoing resistance against coal-fired power plants in Germany and Scotland, gas flaring in Nigeria, and the impact of large-scale dams in Mozambique, South Korea, and the Philippines. It emphasizes a strategy of combining grassroots mobilization, legal challenges, and international solidarity to combat corporate globalization and protect indigenous and community rights.

The report concludes that Shell Nigeria operates well below international 'good oil field practice' and is out of compliance with Nigerian law. It highlights a 'double standard' where Shell applies lower environmental and safety standards in Nigeria than in industrialized nations, resulting in chronic pollution in the Niger Delta. Key failures include delayed asset integrity reviews, inadequate leak detection, and poor spill response, while the Nigerian government's lack of oversight and its role as a joint venture partner further exacerbate the situation.

The document examines the 'major loophole' in the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) regarding the lack of a clear judicial mechanism to compensate Southern Sudanese communities for environmental degradation caused by oil companies. It details the adverse impacts of oil production—including water contamination, soil erosion, and mass displacement—and analyzes the overlapping and often conflicting jurisdictions of the Government of National Unity (GNU) and the Government of Southern Sudan (GoSS). The author argues that while the CPA guarantees compensation, the absence of specific environmental laws and the political nature of the National Petroleum Commission (NPC) leave victims without recourse. The paper recommends the urgent enactment of interim environmental laws and the use of existing regional judiciaries to fill the legal vacuum before the 2011 referendum.

The report claims Shell is the most carbon-intensive oil company globally, with its production intensity projected to rise by 85% due to a shift toward oil sands, oil shale, and liquefied natural gas (LNG). It documents a history of gas flaring in Nigeria, alleging that internal documents show Shell prioritized profit over ending the practice. The report further asserts that Shell engages in 'greenwashing' by promoting limited renewable initiatives while lobbying against fuel quality directives and emissions trading reforms in the European Union and climate legislation in the United States.

Friends of the Earth International (FoEI) has withdrawn its membership from the IUCN, citing the IUCN's corporate partnership with Shell as the primary reason. FoEI argues that such partnerships serve as 'greenwash' for harmful corporate activities and undermine community struggles for environmental and human rights. The document highlights Shell's record on gas flaring, human rights abuses, and arctic drilling, and notes that a majority of IUCN non-government organizations and members voted to terminate the Shell agreement via Motion 107, though they were blocked by government delegates.

This case study examines the Nigerian energy landscape from 1990 to 2005, highlighting a heavy reliance on fossil fuels and unsustainable biomass. It identifies significant potentials for clean energy in solar, wind, biomass, and natural gas (specifically flare-to-power), while noting that investment is hindered by infrastructure deficits, political risks, and market distortions such as energy subsidies. The report proposes several Clean Development Mechanism (CDM) projects and a specific trigeneration case study for a rice mill cluster in Abakaliki to demonstrate the viability of biomass-to-energy systems.

The document examines the intersection of the Niger Delta insurgency and Nigeria's 2007 general elections. It argues that the region's instability is driven by ecological damage, poverty, and a lack of political autonomy for ethnic minorities, exacerbated by the failure of the 13 percent oil revenue award and the activities of oil companies. The author warns that if the elections are perceived as fraudulent, armed groups like the Movement for the Emancipation of the Niger Delta (MEND) may use the chaos to advance their goals through violence, potentially disrupting global oil markets. The briefing outlines several scenarios for the election aftermath, ranging from chaotic inconclusive polls to potential impeachment or military intervention, and recommends a sovereign national conference to renegotiate the federation's political and economic foundations.

The report argues that the West African Gas Pipeline (WAGP), a 681 km project involving Nigeria, Benin, Togo, and Ghana, fails to deliver its promised benefits. It contends that the project does not promote genuine regional integration, may increase energy costs for Ghana, and is unlikely to significantly reduce gas flaring in Nigeria. The document highlights concerns over the project's legal structure in Bermuda, the lack of environmental impact studies for the Escravos pipeline, and the continued reliance on fossil fuels.

Nigeria is identified as the world's largest gas flarer, wasting approximately 2.5 billion cubic feet of associated gas daily, which results in an annual economic loss of US $2.5 billion. The report asserts that flaring has been generally illegal since 1984 under the Associated Gas Reinjection Act, yet continues through a lack of transparency regarding ministerial certificates. Environmental impacts include the emission of roughly 70 million metric tons of CO2 annually and the creation of acid rain that corrodes infrastructure. Health risks for local communities, specifically in Bayelsa State, include increased rates of premature death, child respiratory illnesses, asthma, and cancer due to exposure to particulate matter and benzene. The report criticizes the 'double standards' of the British colonial legacy and the failure of projects like Bonny LNG and the West African Gas Pipeline to prioritize the use of associated gas over non-associated gas.

The report documents systemic environmental and health failures at Shell facilities in South Africa, the USA, the Philippines, Nigeria, Brazil, Curaçao, and Russia. It argues that Shell's commitment to sustainable development is a public relations exercise designed to mask pollution, human rights abuses, and the circumvention of local laws. The authors call for a reform of UK company law to establish a legal 'duty of care' for directors regarding their global social and environmental impacts, moving beyond voluntary CSR frameworks.

The document analyzes the climate impact of Arctic oil and gas production, focusing on short-lived climate forcers (SLCFs) like methane and black carbon. It details emission sources—such as associated gas flaring, venting from storage tanks, and diesel engine exhaust—and proposes mitigation strategies including vapor recovery units, diesel particulate filters, and the use of ultra-low sulfur diesel. The paper emphasizes that while some technologies are standard in lower latitudes, Arctic implementation faces higher costs and infrastructure challenges.

The Clean Air Task Force (CATF) urges the European Commission to implement mandatory Leak Detection and Repair (LDAR) programs and strict venting/flaring standards across the domestic oil and gas supply chain. CATF argues that the EU must not delay emission reductions while waiting for better measurement and reporting, citing successful precedents in North America. Furthermore, the document emphasizes that achieving carbon neutrality requires the EU to leverage its buying power to reduce methane emissions from imported oil and gas through legally binding import standards or economic structures.

The document highlights the environmental and health impacts of routine gas flaring in the US, noting that 538 billion cubic feet of gas was vented or flared in 2019. It argues that routine flaring is avoidable through better infrastructure planning and technology, citing New Mexico and Colorado as regulatory precedents. The text emphasizes the disproportionate health burden on environmental justice and tribal communities, specifically mentioning increased rates of preterm birth in high-flaring regions of Texas.

The Clean Air Task Force argues that the U.S. oil and gas sector must reduce methane emissions by 65% by 2025 to align with global goals for limiting warming to 1.5°C. Without further action, emissions are projected to reach nearly 12 million metric tons by 2025. The proposal focuses on three primary areas: implementing monthly leak detection and repair (LDAR) or continuous monitoring to address leaks and super-emitters; replacing gas-driven pneumatic equipment with non-emitting alternatives; and implementing additional controls on storage tanks, well completions, compressors, and flaring. Together, these measures would reduce emissions by almost eight million tons per year, a benefit the author compares to replacing 150 million gasoline cars with zero-carbon electric vehicles. The document also advocates for a national policy to supplement existing state-level regulations in Colorado, Pennsylvania, and New Mexico.

The document assesses the environmental and economic impacts of flaring associated gas in the Bakken and Eagle Ford formations, concluding that routine flaring is unnecessary due to the availability of mature alternatives like CNG trucking, NGL recovery, and gas-to-power generation. It argues that current regulations, such as those in North Dakota, are inadequate and calls for robust nationwide standards from the BLM and EPA to mandate gas capture.