Search Climate Insights Directory

The Union of Concerned Scientists analysis attributes 48 percent of the rise in fire-danger conditions in western North America since 1901 and 37 percent of the cumulative burned forest area since 1986 to emissions from the 88 largest fossil fuel companies and cement manufacturers. In Oregon, over 10,000 wildfires burned nearly 3.7 million acres between 2017 and 2022, including the 2021 Bootleg Fire which burned more than 400,000 acres. The document argues that these companies should be held accountable for the costs of climate change and wildfire resilience, and recommends state-level policies to reduce human-ignited fires, improve forest health, and protect vulnerable communities.

The Union of Concerned Scientists analysis finds that 48% of the rise in fire-danger conditions in western North America since 1901 and 37% of the cumulative burned forest area since 1986 are attributable to emissions from the 88 largest fossil fuel companies and cement manufacturers. In Washington state, nearly 8,000 wildfires burned over 2.5 million acres between 2017 and 2022. The document argues for holding these companies accountable and urges state governments to implement resilience-building policies, including reducing human-ignited fires, improving forest health, and protecting vulnerable communities.

The briefing outlines four key areas where G7 nations can lead on fossil fuel phase-out: setting a 2030 deadline for coal phase-out, implementing the end of fossil fuel subsidies, fulfilling commitments to stop international public finance for fossil fuels, and ending new oil and gas development.

The briefing argues that ExxonMobil's climate strategy lacks the transparency and ambition required to align with a 1.5°C pathway. It finds that the company's projected 2030 oil and gas production levels significantly exceed IEA NZE requirements, while its financial allocations remain heavily skewed toward fossil fuels with no reported investments in renewable power generation.

GreenLatinos condemns H.R. 1 as a "giveaway" to the oil, gas, and mining industries that creates "dangerous loopholes" and undermines environmental and public health laws. The organization asserts that the bill ignores the climate crisis and the availability of clean energy, leading to increased pollution, asthma, and cancer in communities, specifically those with significant Latino/a/e populations.

The document outlines the critical role of scientific research in climate litigation, emphasizing how experts can help hold corporations and governments accountable for climate damages and disinformation. It identifies key research priorities—such as attribution science and the study of climate obstruction—and provides actionable ways for scientists to engage, including serving as expert witnesses, contributing to amicus briefs, and designing research specifically relevant to legal proceedings. The Union of Concerned Scientists (UCS) Science Hub for Climate Litigation is presented as a central resource to bridge the gap between the scientific community and legal practitioners.

The report finds that five major Swiss financial institutions—UBS, Credit Suisse, Swiss Life AM, Zurich, and Pictet—continue to provide billions in financing and investments to companies expanding coal, oil, and gas production. Despite public net-zero pledges, the authors argue these institutions maintain weak policies with significant loopholes, engage in 'net-zero greenwashing,' and send mixed signals through inconsistent voting practices at shareholder meetings.

Reclaim Finance proposes a framework for credible corporate climate transition plans, arguing that access to green financing should be contingent on plans that cover all emission scopes, set absolute targets aligned with 1.5°C scenarios, and include sector-specific 'red lines'. The framework emphasizes the exclusion of carbon offsets from targets, the integration of climate performance into executive remuneration, and the requirement for lobbying activities to be transparent and consistent with climate goals.

The report finds that GFANZ members, including major banks and asset managers, have provided hundreds of billions of dollars to companies expanding fossil fuel production. It argues that the alliance's sectoral guidelines and individual member policies are insufficient to prevent this expansion, often relying on flawed decarbonization targets that do not explicitly prohibit new fossil fuel supply. The document calls for the adoption of robust 'no-expansion' policies, alignment with UN Race to Zero criteria, and the implementation of meaningful accountability mechanisms to ensure financial flows are redirected toward clean energy.

The document presents data from a 2019 nationwide survey and several state-level polls showing that a majority of US voters believe oil and gas companies should pay for climate change damages. It highlights that support for suing these companies and requiring them to cover costs often increases after respondents are informed about the industry's history of deception.

The document outlines how cultural organizations can stop supporting environmentally destructive industries, specifically the petroleum sector, by reviewing pensions, banking, and sponsorships. It advocates for the adoption of ethical fundraising policies and public pressure on decision-makers to remove environmentally harmful subsidies.

A coalition of civil society groups, including Oxfam Novib, Both ENDS, SOMO, and Recourse, criticizes FMO's October 2022 Position Statement on Impact and ESG for Financial Intermediaries. The groups argue that FMO's indirect investment model—which constitutes approximately 40% of its total portfolio—carries higher risks than direct lending but lacks sufficient safeguards against human rights abuses and environmental harm. Specifically, they highlight a gap in FMO's fossil fuel phase-out commitments, which apply to direct investments but not to those made via financial intermediaries, such as the Africa Finance Corporation. The statement also notes that a lack of transparency prevents impacted communities from accessing remedies for adverse project impacts.

Methane is a potent greenhouse gas with over 80 times the warming power of CO2 over 20 years, though it breaks down in about 12 years. Approximately 60% of methane emissions result from human activity, primarily agriculture (40%), the energy sector (35%), and waste management (20%). The five largest global emitters are China, the U.S., Russia, India, and Brazil. In the U.S., the energy sector's contribution is estimated by the IEA at 54%, significantly higher than the EPA's 38% due to underreported 'ultra-emitting events'. Reduction strategies include repairing leaks in oil and gas production, capturing biogas from waste and agriculture, and using alternative livestock feed. Measurement is shifting from 'bottom-up' inventories to 'top-down' remote sensing via satellites and aircraft to better identify point sources. The Global Methane Pledge, launched at COP26, aims for a 30% reduction in global methane emissions from 2020 levels by 2030, though several top emitters have not yet joined.

The report identifies methane as a critical target for slowing climate change due to its high warming potential and short atmospheric lifetime. It highlights significant discrepancies between 'bottom-up' government estimates and 'top-down' satellite measurements, particularly in the energy sector. The document details mitigation strategies such as leak detection and repair (LDAR) in oil and gas, alternative livestock feeds, and alternate wetting and drying in rice cultivation. It also emphasizes the role of biogas and food waste reduction as cross-cutting solutions for the agriculture and waste sectors.

A 50-state survey by Global Energy Monitor reveals that major U.S. corporations in the tech, banking, and insurance sectors frequently employ lobbyists who also represent fossil fuel interests. This creates a paradox where companies with public net-zero pledges provide political cover and credibility to lobbyists promoting continued fossil fuel dependence. The report highlights specific companies—such as Amazon, State Farm, and Bank of America—and notes that weak state disclosure laws and the absence of a national database hinder accountability.

Global Energy Monitor (GEM) finds that 30 fossil fuel companies are responsible for 43% of the industry's global methane emissions. The analysis identifies the National Iranian Oil Company as the largest emitter and highlights the dominance of Chinese state-owned enterprises in coal mine methane emissions. The report emphasizes that emissions vary based on infrastructure age, operator type, and geographic location, noting that some oil and gas emissions could be reduced at no net cost.

A group of New York State legislators wrote to the U.S. Attorney General and Solicitor General requesting that the Department of Justice (DOJ) support the adjudication of climate-related state claims in state courts. The letter argues that the DOJ should reject the Trump Administration's previous positions and align with President Biden's executive order to hold polluters accountable. The authors highlight that the fossil fuel industry has consistently attempted to move these cases to federal court, despite multiple Circuit courts rejecting such arguments.

The article examines 'regulatory climate shaming'—the governmental publication of corporate climate impact data to generate public pressure—as a means to counter climate obstruction. It argues that despite the controversy surrounding public condemnation of corporate reputations, such tactics are essential for fighting climate denial and greenwashing, particularly within the fossil fuel industry.

The 'journalist Field Guide: Navigating Climate Misinformation' offers a framework for media professionals to handle deceptive climate content. It defines climate misinformation as content that undermines the IPCC scientific consensus, misrepresents data, or falsely promotes climate-supportive efforts. The guide advocates for the 'truth sandwich' debunking method, the use of archive links instead of direct links to avoid monetizing disinformers, and 'strategic silence' to avoid artificially amplifying fringe theories. It also reviews academic literature on revenue incentives for clickbait, the psychological drivers of misinformation, and the risks of 'false balance' in reporting. Finally, it summarizes various case studies demonstrating how social media algorithms and vested interests, particularly in the fossil fuel sector, spread climate denial.

ClientEarth proposes a 'methane reduction alliance' consisting of the world's largest gas importers—including the EU, Japan, South Korea, the UK, and China—to implement a performance standard that caps and reduces methane emissions in the gas supply chain. The proposal argues that by prioritizing gas purchases from countries with similar regulations and applying fees to emissions exceeding the standard, importing nations can drive global methane abatement. The report highlights that capturing wasted methane could provide nearly 210 billion cubic metres of gas, offering a way to bolster supply without expanding gas fields. It also critiques voluntary industry schemes for lacking independent verification and failing to include national oil companies, which hold over half of global gas assets.