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The document details a campaign of coordinated inauthentic activity on social media platforms—primarily X, Facebook, and YouTube—attributed to Azerbaijan during the lead-up to and duration of COP29. It highlights the use of thousands of bot-like accounts to amplify pro-government and pro-fossil fuel messaging while drowning out criticism of the regime's human rights record and climate policies. The report criticizes Big Tech companies for failing to enforce policies against coordinated inauthentic behavior and calls for better guardrails in the COP Presidency process.

The research analyzes how Nigeria and Colombia use specific narratives and discursive strategies to justify continued oil and gas expansion while maintaining climate commitments, highlighting the role of power relations in slowing the energy transition.

This report by QuotaClimat examines how climate disinformation has moved from social media fringes into mainstream news outlets, particularly in France. It identifies structural vulnerabilities in the media industry—such as financial crises, the rise of 'infotainment', and a regulatory vacuum—that allow anti-science narratives to proliferate. The document argues that news media, despite their perceived credibility, often act as channels for disinformation through 'false balance' and selective framing. It concludes by advocating for a new legislative framework in France to mandate environmental coverage standards and strengthen the role of the regulator, Arcom.

The document analyzes how Colombia and Nigeria employ narratives of development, energy security, and energy transition to justify oil and gas production, arguing that these stories often rely on inaccurate or outdated premises that entrench carbon dependency. It suggests that civil society and researchers can counter these narratives by demanding transparency, challenging flawed evidence, and promoting science-based alternatives for a just transition.

Attribution studies in Brazil indicate that fossil fuel combustion increased the likelihood and intensity of recent floods in Rio Grande do Sul and droughts in the Amazon. Despite these impacts, the Brazilian government continues to support oil and gas expansion, with plans to increase oil production by 63% and gas by 124% by 2032. Petrobras, which controls over 90% of domestic production, is estimated to be responsible for USD 500 billion in climate damages between 2018 and 2023. While Brazil has pledged to reduce emissions by up to 67% by 2035 and has successfully increased wind and solar power to reduce reliance on hydropower, its overall climate policies are rated as 'Insufficient' by Climate Action Tracker.

The Oil & Gas Decarbonization Charter, launched at COP28 by 50 companies, is criticized for focusing on upstream operational emissions while ignoring the larger impact of burning produced fuels. Analysis shows that between January and September 2024, Charter members approved 68 new oil and gas fields containing 14 billion barrels of oil equivalent, which could release nearly 5 billion metric tonnes of CO2. Ten companies, including ADNOC, Saudi Aramco, Petrobras, TotalEnergies, and Shell, are responsible for over 90 percent of these new reserves. These projects represent a commitment of nearly USD 250 billion in expenditure. While the IEA's 1.5ºC pathway requires global production to decline by nearly 20 percent by 2030, Charter companies are projected to increase their production by 17 percent by 2030.

The document is an open letter from a broad coalition of individuals and organizations calling for COP30 to move beyond the mere recognition of climate disinformation and instead implement binding, verifiable measures to protect information integrity. It argues that coordinated disinformation, primarily funded by the fossil fuel industry, sabotages the energy transition, threatens public health and human rights, and undermines the goals of the Paris Agreement. The signatories call on governments to regulate tech platforms that profit from manipulative content and demand an end to greenwashing and the monetization of disinformation.

Climate Action Against Disinformation, Kairos, Friends of the Earth, and 41,000 advocates sent a letter to Google demanding the permanent demonetization of climate change deniers. The authors argue that while Google has a policy against climate denial, it fails to provide necessary resources, thereby allowing disinformation networks to flourish for profit.

The document links the increasing frequency and intensity of heatwaves, droughts, and floods in Argentina to human-caused climate change, specifically highlighting the role of fossil fuel emissions. It notes that while Argentina has a 2050 net-zero target, the government continues to prioritize oil and gas production, particularly in the Vaca Muerta fields, and provides significantly more investment to 'dirty energy' than to renewables. The briefing also identifies a lack of transparent emissions data for individual firms and notes that lobbying by fossil fuel companies has secured production-friendly policies.

The document details the historical and ongoing struggle of the Allendale neighborhood in Shreveport, Louisiana, against urban highway expansion. It describes how past projects like I-20 and I-49 contributed to racial segregation and population decline in Black communities. The text focuses on the 'zombie freeway'—the I-49 Inner City Connector (I-49 ICC)—which was revived in 2009 and threatens to displace homes and further harm the Allendale community. In response, the Allendale Strong initiative and its 'Loop-It' project have used technical modeling, legal action, and coalitions like the Freeway Fighters Network to challenge the project and propose an alternative that prioritizes wealth-building streets and multimodal transit over highway capacity expansion.

The analysis of over 30,000 social media posts reveals that climate misinformation often outperforms pro-climate narratives in reach and engagement. The report identifies a tactical playbook used by accounts to game platform algorithms, including the use of the news cycle and the seeding of misinformation from outside the UK. These activities are linked to financial incentives, including funding from the fossil fuel industry and direct monetization through advertising or merchandise, which ultimately slows the implementation of climate policy in the UK.

Canada's total emissions in 2023 were estimated at 702 megatonnes of carbon dioxide-equivalent (Mt), a 0.8 per cent decrease from 2022 and 7.8 per cent below 2005 levels. While the electricity sector has seen a 62 per cent reduction since 2005, oil and gas emissions have risen by 12.1 per cent in the same period, now accounting for 31 per cent of the national total. Despite economic growth and a population increase of 1.16 million people in 2023, emissions fell due to climate policy and market drivers, though a 7 per cent annual reduction in emissions per unit of GDP is required to meet the 2030 target of a 40–45 per cent reduction below 2005 levels.

The document advises journalists to move beyond describing fracking as 'controversial' and instead explain its specific climate and health impacts. It highlights that fracking accounts for nearly two-thirds of US oil production and argues that its methane emissions make it more damaging to the climate than coal. The guide also emphasizes the importance of reporting on state-level regulation and the need for a just transition for fossil-fuel-dependent communities.

The Global Climate and Health Alliance (GCHA) employs multimedia campaigns, including animations, branded films, and short videos, to inform the public on how the climate crisis impacts health and wellbeing. Key projects include 'The Well-Oiled Plan' animation targeting the fossil fuel industry, the 'Climate and Us' film series which reached over 2.6 million views on BBC.com, and the '#ClimatePrescription' video featuring 25 global health workers. The GCHA also produces targeted content on methane emissions and utilizes TED talks by its leadership to advocate for rapid climate action as a health solution.

The document outlines the climate, economic, and energy security benefits of reducing methane emissions in the UK, specifically targeting the oil and gas sector. It recommends that the UK advance the ban on venting and flaring, implement a comprehensive measurement, monitoring, reporting and verification (MMRV) framework, and introduce a methane fee and import standard to align with EU regulations and global best practices.

Global Witness criticises the UK's crackdown on climate activists, citing the four-year prison sentence of Daniel Shaw and the use of the Public Order Act 2023 and the Police, Crime, Sentencing and Courts Bill 2022. The organisation highlights that over 7,000 climate protesters have been arrested since 2019 and argues that the fossil fuel industry has influenced the legislation used to muzzle defenders. It calls on the new Labour government to protect the right to peaceful protest.

The report asserts that limiting global warming to 1.5°C requires a drastic reduction in oil and gas production, potentially between 58% and 99% by 2050. It highlights a significant 'production gap,' noting that current government plans for 2030 exceed 1.5°C-consistent levels by 29% for oil and 82% for gas. The document advocates for a 'just transition' that prioritizes phase-outs in developed and low-dependency economies while providing financial and technical support to the Global South. Key recommendations include ending new field development, reforming fossil fuel subsidies, and transforming national oil companies into clean energy entities.

The report finds that Chevron's strategy prioritizes oil and gas expansion and shareholder returns over sustainable energy. Its projected 2030 production levels and LNG capacity exceed NZE requirements, while its diversification efforts are described as marginal and focused on unsustainable energies like bioenergy and fossil-fuel-based hydrogen.

The report concludes that ExxonMobil's strategy prioritizes fossil fuel expansion and shareholder returns over sustainable energy investments. It finds that the company's 2030 production targets and LNG capacity expansions significantly exceed the limits required to align with a 1.5°C pathway. Furthermore, the report highlights a lack of scope 3 emissions targets and a diversification strategy that relies on unsustainable energies like blue hydrogen and biofuels.

The report finds that BP's investment strategy prioritizes oil and gas expansion and shareholder returns over climate solutions, with 2023 investments in oil and gas being 11.6 times higher than those in low-carbon energy. BP has revised its 2030 oil and gas production targets upward and reduced its scope 3 decarbonization targets, leading to a projected 2030 production level 26% above NZE alignment. While BP aims for 10 GW of renewable capacity by 2030, it will still produce 23 times more energy from fossil fuels than from renewables. The report also highlights BP's continued development of gas power and reliance on bioenergy and hydrogen, which may not be sustainable.