Search Climate Insights Directory

Global Witness asserts that BP's claim of alignment with Paris climate goals is false, as more than half of its planned $140 billion investment in oil and gas over the next decade involves new extraction. The organization contends that BP's models rely on an improbable 14,000% increase in Carbon Capture and Storage (CCS) capacity over 20 years to justify continued fossil fuel production, whereas IPCC findings suggest a need for a 40% drop in oil and gas production over the next decade.

The document alleges a systemic pattern where oil and gas companies fund police and political entities to silence opposition to fossil fuel infrastructure. It highlights the Line 3 pipeline in Minnesota, where Enbridge is permitted to invoice police for security, and notes a trend of increasing criminalization of climate protests across the US, UK, and Australia. The text also cites historical allegations of corporate-backed state violence by Shell and Chevron in Nigeria, and Frontera Energy in Colombia.

Global Witness reports that despite a 13% drop in Russian crude exports over five weeks, significant loopholes in UK and US sanctions allow Russian oil to enter these markets via blending and refining. Specifically, the 'CPC Blend' allows Russian-Kazakh mixtures to reach the UK, while Russian crude refined in India is imported into the US as gasoline. Additionally, the document criticizes Germany for allowing Siemens to export banned technology for Nord Stream 1 maintenance and notes the use of ship-to-ship transfers off the Suffolk coast to obscure oil origins.

Global Witness calls for the removal of fossil fuel industry influence from the COP process, citing conflicts of interest and the industry's role in the climate crisis. The organization highlights instances of fossil fuel lobbyists and petrostate officials leveraging their positions at COP29 and previous summits to broker oil and gas deals, arguing that such influence undermines the diplomatic efforts required to transition away from fossil fuels.

The report alleges that ADNOC, led by COP28 President Sultan Al-Jaber, pursued nearly $100 billion in fossil fuel deals during the UAE's year as host, contradicting public claims that the summit was not used for commercial gain. It details specific targets in countries like Brazil, Azerbaijan, and China, and argues that the COP28 final text's ambiguous language on 'transitioning away' from fossil fuels allows ADNOC to expand production while appearing compliant with climate goals.

A Global Witness investigation of ChatGPT, MetaAI, Grok, and Gemini found that these AI tools often fail to adequately reflect the complicity of fossil fuel companies in the climate crisis. The report identifies instances of 'greenwashing'—where AI provides uncritically positive narratives about oil and gas firms—and 'bothsidesism,' where the tools present the industry's climate claims as having equal weight to evidence of their contribution to climate change. The investigation highlights that some models draw data directly from company websites, potentially allowing firms to influence the AI's output.

The document outlines several deceptive strategies used by corporations at COP to appear environmentally friendly while continuing harmful practices. It specifically critiques the promotion of natural gas and 'blue' hydrogen as low-carbon solutions, the use of 'net zero' and 'nature-based solutions' to mask continued pollution, and the use of 'green finance' and voluntary anti-deforestation pledges by banks to hide ongoing investments in fossil fuels and deforestation.

Global Witness argues that the UK government should leverage the high profits of the oil and gas industry to fund climate loss and damage both globally and domestically. The briefing highlights that the oil industry made an average of £5 billion in annual profits from UK production over the last 30 years, while the UN Loss and Damage Fund remains severely underfunded, with initial pledges totaling only £504 million as of March 2024. The document proposes a 'Climate Damages Tax' (CDT) that would charge companies for every tonne of carbon from extracted fuels, potentially raising £20 billion in the UK over 10 years. This revenue would be split between the international fund and a 'domestic dividend' to support a worker-led North Sea transition, which is estimated to require an additional £1.9 billion per year until 2030.

The document analyzes how state-owned enterprises (SOEs) in the G20 and beyond are shifting investments from coal to renewables due to cost competitiveness and climate policies. It highlights specific transitions in China (CEIC), India (Coal India Limited), and Sweden (Vattenfall), while noting that some SOEs, particularly in China, continue to invest in coal-fired power abroad. The text also discusses the role of SOEs in providing social protection during the energy transition and mentions similar shifts in the oil and gas sectors in Saudi Arabia, Norway, and Denmark.

The author contends that despite Equatorial Guinea's status as a major oil producer, the majority of its population lives in poverty while the ruling Obiang family amasses vast wealth through corruption. The text urges the Obama administration to denounce torture, seize ill-gotten US assets of the Obiang family, and support credible elections and independent media in Equatorial Guinea to move away from 'strongmen' toward 'strong institutions'.

The document highlights the disproportionate risks faced by women environmental and human rights defenders (WEHRDs) in Africa, including gender-based violence, criminalization, and digital attacks. It notes a significant gap in data and reporting, with women often excluded from official statistics and protection mechanisms. The brief identifies the Democratic Republic of Congo as the deadliest country for environmental defenders and calls for gender-responsive funding, legal protections, and the formal recognition of WEHRDs' leadership within UNFCCC processes and national policies.

The document highlights the disproportionate risks faced by women environmental and human rights defenders (WEHRDs) in Africa, including gender-based violence, criminalization, and digital attacks. It notes a significant gap in data collection, where official statistics underrepresent the scale of violence against women compared to men. The report identifies the extractive industry, poaching, and state security forces as primary sources of threats, particularly in countries like the Democratic Republic of Congo, Uganda, and Kenya. It argues that WEHRDs face unique intersectional vulnerabilities based on race, class, and disability, and calls for flexible, long-term funding and gender-sensitive legal and psychosocial support to protect these activists.

The 'Scan de la Finance Fossile' evaluates 56 French financial institutions on their policies regarding high-risk oil and gas sectors. The analysis finds that fewer than half of these actors have policies covering any of the five most risky sectors, and existing policies often contain loopholes that allow continued financing of companies and infrastructure that facilitate fossil fuel expansion.

The document examines the role of the European Central Bank (ECB) in the climate transition, arguing that its monetary and prudential policies currently provide insufficient support for decarbonization. It highlights that the ECB's asset purchases and collateral frameworks continue to support high-carbon issuers and that its risk models minimize climate-related risks. The briefing proposes a 'green' ECB model featuring dual interest rates for green lending, the exclusion of fossil fuel developers from asset purchases, and increased capital requirements for banks lacking credible 1.5°C transition plans.

The document details fossil fuel expansion financing from BNP Paribas, Crédit Agricole, Groupe BPCE, and Société Générale across three subsectors: oil and gas production, transport infrastructure (LNG and pipelines), and gas-fired electricity production.

Reclaim Finance and the Sunrise Project call on Thomas Buberl to cease underwriting the expansion of oil and gas production to maintain climate leadership.

The report identifies a 300,000 GWh annual electricity saving potential in the U.S. industrial sector by closing the productivity gap between the lowest and highest performing states. It argues that while exogenous factors like electricity prices play a role, the primary constraints are endogenous barriers such as poor understanding of efficiency potential, fossilized design paradigms, and capital constraints. Through case studies in high technology, oil and gas, and food production, the authors demonstrate that holistic design and overcoming these barriers can significantly reduce energy use and costs. The document concludes that policymakers should provide low-cost capital and education to incentivize efficiency measures that benefit society but may be NPV neutral for individual firms.

The Association for Science Education (ASE) has no listed investments in arms or fossil fuels but maintains corporate links through sponsored educational projects and partnerships. Specifically, 15% of sponsors for its largest programme, School Science, are fossil fuel companies, and 17% of sponsors for the Optoelectronics College are military industrial organisations. The ASE lacks a formal environmental or ethical investment policy.

The report examines the Institution of Mechanical Engineers (IMechE), finding a contradiction between its extensive environmental policies and its financial ties to the arms and fossil fuel sectors. While IMechE promotes climate change mitigation and adaptation, it maintains significant corporate links through event sponsorship and a company-based registration scheme. The report highlights a lack of transparency regarding IMechE's £23.2 million investment portfolio and the absence of an overarching ethical investment policy, though some fund managers apply limited screening against coal and tar sands.

The report examines the Institution of Civil Engineers (ICE), finding a contradiction between its 'Charter for Sustainable Development' and its financial activities. While ICE promotes sustainability and adheres to UN Principles for Responsible Investment, the analysis reveals significant investments in fossil fuel companies and financial ties to the arms sector through corporate partners, event sponsors, and education programme supporters. The report notes a lack of transparency regarding the full extent of its investment portfolio and the specific funding levels of its corporate sponsorships.