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The document analyzes the transition of EU-South Africa relations from a development-focused framework to a Strategic Partnership. It highlights the EU's goal of engaging emerging powers and South Africa's role as a regional leader. While the partnership expands cooperation into areas like climate change, energy, and security, the author notes that tensions remain regarding trade agreements and agricultural policies.

The document critiques the Inter-American Development Bank (IDB) for promoting large-scale biofuel monocultures as a 'clean energy' solution. It argues that these projects, particularly in Brazil and Colombia, lead to deforestation, biodiversity loss, and rural displacement while failing to provide significant greenhouse gas reductions. The report calls for a shift toward small-scale, decentralized energy systems that support local food security and rural development.

The report argues that agricultural and marine resources, often dismissed as secondary in conflict analysis, can fuel violence through the taxation of trade, the destabilizing effect of price volatility, and competition over essential inputs like land and water. Through case studies in Côte d’Ivoire, Somalia, and Central Asia, it demonstrates how rebel groups and warlords extract funds from cocoa, bananas, and fisheries. It also highlights how commodity dependence and price shocks undermine political stability and how the pursuit of thirsty crops like cotton exacerbates interstate tensions over water sharing. The authors provide fourteen policy recommendations, including the use of UN sanctions on agricultural resources and increased transparency in trade.

The authors argue that famine mortality is a result of a political support maximization calculus where governments weigh the costs of action against the costs of inaction. While democracies generally have lower famine mortality than autocracies, the study finds that both regime types can experience famine deaths. The research demonstrates that international food aid is most effective at reducing mortality when a large share of the population is affected, and that democratic governments respond more elastically to this combination than autocratic ones, which are more likely to divert aid to a small elite.

The author contends that Africa must embrace biotechnology and genetic modification to combat climate-change induced droughts and famines. The text criticizes African nations for adopting overly stringent regulations under the Cartagena Protocol, often influenced by European Union consumer concerns, which may conflict with World Trade Organization rules and hinder the delivery of food relief. It recommends that SADC countries emulate the pro-biotechnology regulatory models of nations like Brazil, India, and South Africa to maximize agricultural yields and reduce dependence on humanitarian aid.

Friends of the Earth International rejects the Roundtable on Responsible Soy (RTRS), claiming it provides a "façade of sustainability" for agribusinesses and energy companies while failing to address the systemic impacts of industrial soy. The document highlights how soy expansion leads to deforestation, biodiversity loss, human rights violations, and increased food insecurity. It specifically criticizes the promotion of genetically modified (GM) soy, noting substantial increases in herbicide use in Brazil and the United States. The statement argues that the RTRS ignores indirect regional and global impacts, such as the displacement of agriculture into primary forests and the pollution caused by intensive livestock production in Europe. To address these issues, the organization calls for structural land reforms, reduced global demand for meat and dairy, and an end to large-scale agrofuel production.

The International Federation of Friends of the Earth rejects the Round Table on Responsible Soy (RTRS), claiming it provides a facade of sustainability for multinational corporations while ignoring the systemic impacts of industrial soy monocultures. The document details how soy expansion leads to biodiversity loss, climate change, human rights violations, and food insecurity. It specifically criticizes the promotion of genetically modified (GM) soy, noting significant increases in pesticide use in Brazil and the US. The text argues that demand is driven by intensive livestock farming and biofuels, and calls for structural land reforms, reduced meat consumption, and a shift toward organic and local agriculture.

The report analyzes how global trends in climate change, energy, and biotechnology affect the competitiveness, social priorities, and risk management of Canadian agriculture. It finds that while warming trends may increase yields and competitive advantage, these gains are offset by increased vulnerability to extreme weather and emerging social demands for sustainable and healthy food systems.

In October 2007, the White House Office of Management and Budget (OMB) heavily edited testimony from CDC Director Julie Gerberding intended for the Senate Committee on Environment and Public Works. The edits removed seven pages of content that linked climate change to specific health risks for the American public, including increased mortality from heat waves, worsening asthma and allergies in children, and the potential for exotic vector-borne diseases. While the White House claimed the CDC's statements were not in line with the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) findings, an IPCC lead author and a Senate committee comparison asserted that the original testimony was scientifically accurate and consistent with IPCC reports.

This fact sheet by Friends of the Earth International contends that GM crops, primarily soya, maize, and cotton, fail to increase yields or reduce poverty in developing regions. It asserts that the GM model benefits large-scale industrial farmers through 'convenience' while harming small-scale farmers via high seed costs, land displacement, and increased pesticide use. The document specifically highlights negative outcomes in South America, Africa, India, and China, and disputes claims that GM technology makes food cheaper or is necessary for the livestock industry.

The report argues that genetically modified (GM) crops provide no substantive environmental, social, or economic benefits. It highlights a significant increase in pesticide use, particularly glyphosate, due to the emergence of herbicide-resistant weeds in the US, Brazil, and Argentina. The document further contends that GM crops do not increase yields—citing evidence that Roundup Ready soy may actually suffer yield losses—and that they do not address global hunger, as most are used for animal feed or biofuels in wealthy nations. Additionally, it criticizes the concentration of seed control by a few multinational corporations, which increases costs and restricts farmers' ability to save seeds.

The report argues that GM crops provide no ecological, social, or economic benefits. It highlights that herbicide-tolerant (HT) varieties promote the development of resistant weeds, leading to increased pesticide application in the US, Brazil, and Argentina. The document further asserts that GM crops do not increase yields or food security, as most are used for animal feed or biofuels rather than human consumption, and that seed monopolies increase costs for farmers.

The report argues that GM crops, particularly herbicide-tolerant varieties, have not increased yields and have instead led to an increase in pesticide use due to the emergence of resistant 'superweeds'. It highlights the monopolization of the seed market by a few agrochemical giants, specifically Monsanto, and documents negative socio-economic impacts on small farmers in India, South Africa, and South America, including increased debt and land displacement.

The report argues that GM crops, primarily herbicide-tolerant and insect-resistant varieties of soya, maize, cotton, and canola, have not increased yields and have instead driven a rise in pesticide use due to the emergence of resistant weeds. It highlights the monopolization of the seed supply by a few corporations, specifically Monsanto, and documents the negative socio-economic impacts on small farmers in the US, India, and South America, including increased debt and rural poverty.

The report argues that GM crops, particularly herbicide-tolerant (HT) and Bt varieties, have failed to deliver promised benefits in yield and poverty reduction. It documents a significant increase in pesticide use and the emergence of herbicide-resistant weeds in the US, Argentina, and Brazil. The document further highlights the monopolization of the seed market by a few firms, specifically Monsanto, and the resulting economic pressure and legal harassment of farmers. Case studies in India, China, and South Africa suggest that yield increases are often due to weather or irrigation rather than GM technology, while small farmers face increased debt and vulnerability.

The document evaluates the South African Army's role in the evolving African security architecture, focusing on the African Standby Force (ASF) and SADC Brigade. It analyzes the nature of African conflict, the necessity of rapid deployment capabilities, and the impact of cultural intelligence and professionalization on mission success. The report highlights significant challenges for the South African National Defence Force (SANDF), including budget constraints, human resource crises due to HIV/AIDS and aging personnel, and the risks associated with the privatization of security. It concludes that while the SANDF possesses high technical capabilities, its effectiveness as a lead nation is hindered by structural deficiencies and a lack of political prioritization of defense funding.

The report analyzes China's engagement with the Lusophone world through the Macau Forum, established in 2003. It argues that China uses the forum as a foreign policy instrument to secure energy and food security, expand its consumer markets, and increase soft power in Africa, Latin America, and Asia. While trade volumes grew from $11 billion in 2003 to $34 billion in 2006, the report notes that most significant economic agreements remain bilateral. Brazil and Angola are identified as the most critical partners due to their vast natural resources and economic scale. The document also highlights the role of Macau as a service platform and provides policy recommendations for China, the Lusophone states, and the Forum to improve transparency and mutual benefit.

The document examines how ground-level ozone (O3) reduces crop yields in South Asia, specifically within the Indo-Gangetic Plain. It finds that current O3 concentrations cause yield losses between 5% and 35%, resulting in estimated annual economic losses of approximately US$ 3.9 billion for staple crops. The brief highlights that O3 concentrations are projected to increase more rapidly in South Asia than in any other global region by 2030. It argues that these impacts may be more immediate than those of climate change and could contribute to the recent decline in crop yield growth in the region. The authors recommend international cooperation to reduce precursor emissions, the development of O3-resistant crop varieties, and improved integration of air quality and food security into policy frameworks.

The ACCCA project, running from 2007 to 2008, implemented 19 pilot actions across 17 countries in Asia and Africa to build capacity for climate change adaptation. The project focused on multidisciplinary risk communication, stakeholder engagement, and the integration of adaptation strategies into policy and local action plans. Key activities included identifying climate risks, assessing knowledge gaps, and developing risk communication materials to support decision-making in sectors such as agriculture, water management, and public health.

The paper examines the climatic risks of nuclear war, updating the 'nuclear winter' concept with modern climate modelling. It argues that even a regional conflict or the deployment of a single UK Trident submarine could cause significant global cooling, disrupt agriculture, and lead to mass starvation. The author concludes that any arsenal exceeding 5MT poses a global climatic threat and calls for the cessation of the UK's Trident replacement programme.