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The paper finds that while G-20 documents rarely mention Africa explicitly, they address broader developing country interests, particularly in adapting financial standards and promoting financial inclusion. It highlights the role of the Financial Stability Board (FSB) and the Global Partnership for Financial Inclusion (GPFI) as key channels for African engagement, while noting that African states often lack the supervisory capacity to implement complex international standards like Basel III.

The author argues that the 2007 financial crisis failed to diminish the power of the banking lobby in shaping regulatory rules. Focusing on bank capital adequacy standards set by the Basel Committee on Banking Supervision (BCBS) and transposed into EU law via the Capital Requirements Directive (CRD IV), the text details how private financial actors dominate consultative processes. The author highlights how the banking sector successfully lobbied to delay the phase-in of Basel III requirements until 2018 and limited the application of the leverage ratio until 2017 by citing potential negative economic impacts. To counter this 'capture' of regulators, the author proposes increasing the range of stakeholders—including green SMEs and pension funds—and implementing a 'legislative footprint' to ensure transparency in the policymaking process.

The author argues that EU financial reforms since 2008 are a cyclical response to public anger rather than a structural paradigm shift. While the CRDIV package, the Single Supervisory Mechanism (SSM), and the Bank Recovery and Resolution Directive (BRRD) represent progress, the document highlights critical gaps: the lack of a binding leverage ratio, insufficient transparency and accountability for the European Central Bank, and loopholes allowing 'preventive' public recapitalisation of banks. Regarding derivatives, the author contends that the EMIR and MiFID II frameworks may be counterproductive, potentially creating new 'too big to fail' risks through central counterparties and failing to effectively limit speculation in commodity markets. The paper concludes that the EU relies too heavily on transparency and needs a radical shift toward simpler, more stringent rules, such as the mandatory separation of high-risk banking activities.

This collection of articles from the Green European Journal examines the instability of the current financial system, the risks posed by fossil fuel asset bubbles, and the need for a 'green' economic transition. It critiques the role of private bank money creation, the impact of austerity in the EU periphery, and the influence of banking lobbies on regulation, while proposing alternatives such as sovereign money, debt jubilees, and mandatory climate risk accounting for financial institutions.

The report argues that while real-economy policies are essential, they are insufficient to catalyze the scale of green finance needed for a sustainable transition. It examines China's progress in green credit, insurance, and emissions trading, while highlighting the need for a comprehensive framework of definitions, standards, and regulatory mandates to avoid systemic risks like stranded assets. The authors suggest that emerging economies, particularly China, have an opportunity to 'leapfrog' developed markets by integrating sustainability into the core design of their maturing financial systems.

The document is a formal letter from a broad coalition of international organizations opposing the inclusion of investor-state dispute settlement (ISDS) in the Trans-Atlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP). The authors argue that ISDS allows corporations to challenge non-discriminatory government policies in private tribunals, potentially forcing taxpayers to compensate companies for implementing public health, environmental, and labor regulations. They cite examples of ISDS being used to attack clean energy and toxic waste regulations, and argue that the domestic court systems of the US and EU are sufficient for handling investment disputes.

The document examines the intersection of G-20 financial regulatory initiatives and African economic development. It identifies five key G-20 focus areas—financial stability, financial inclusion, local currency bond markets, agricultural finance, and trade finance—and assesses the mechanisms through which non-member African states can influence these global standards. While acknowledging that the G-20 recognizes the needs of developing countries, the author argues that African representation remains limited and that the adoption of international standards like Basel II/III must be sequenced to align with local developmental goals.

The document asserts that five years after the Lehman Brothers bankruptcy, EU banking regulation remains inadequate, allowing banks to maintain high leverage and permitting the growth of derivatives markets. It attributes this failure to the influence of the financial lobby on EU decision-makers and proposes a reform agenda including a Financial Transaction Tax, higher bank buffers, the break-up of 'too big to fail' banks, and personal liability for financial crimes.

The document analyzes India's relationship with the KAS guidelines, a framework for global economic governance. It argues that while India supports the guidelines in the realm of financial market regulation, it faces significant domestic hurdles in implementing them within its 'real economy'—specifically regarding agriculture, land rights, and social welfare. The author highlights a tension between India's role as a G-20 member and its internal needs as a developing economy with a large rural population and complex federal politics.

The document examines the necessity and challenges of regulating microfinance, particularly as the sector shifts toward commercialization and deposit-taking. It argues against a 'one-size-fits-all' approach, suggesting that prudential and consumer protection rules must be adapted to the specific risks of microfinance, such as unsecured lending and high operational costs. Using Indonesia's experience, it highlights the importance of independent oversight and the transition from enabling deregulation to corrective legislation.

The document argues that the 20072008 global financial crisis was exacerbated by a convergence of power between elite financial circles and government regulators, where deregulation allowed corporations to exploit legal loopholes and offload risks. It contends that technical regulatory reforms are insufficient if they do not address the underlying mindset and values of these power sources. The author suggests that reinforcing fiduciary duty, implementing negative licensing, and ending 'financialization' are potential paths toward reform. Ultimately, the paper proposes that societies should reduce their dependence on the financial sector for the delivery of essential social services and environmental sustainability to mitigate the risks of future systemic failures.

The author contends that the eurozone crisis is not a failure of the euro itself, but a result of inadequate institutional underpinning and systemic problems that cannot be solved by national-level austerity. The text argues that the German government's focus on individual national fiscal discipline is a false diagnosis. To prevent a return to monetary nationalism or a permanent crisis, the author proposes a move toward political union among the 17 EMU member countries, involving collective guarantees for government bonds combined with strict collective control over national budgets. This process should be legitimized through a constitutional convention and public referenda to avoid a top-down 'centralised executive power'. Beyond the immediate crisis, the author suggests that unification is necessary to regulate global financial markets and maintain Europe's political and economic influence in a shifting global landscape.

The Greens in the Bundestag and European Parliament call for a transition from a currency union to a comprehensive economic union to resolve the Eurocrisis. They argue that the Treaty of Lisbon and the 'new fiscal policy pact' are insufficient because they rely on intergovernmental cooperation rather than democratically legitimised EU institutions. The document proposes a 'Green Convention on the Future of the European Union' to debate treaty amendments, including the creation of a European Economic and Finance Minister, a European financial transaction tax, and a 'social progress clause' to protect workers' rights. The authors advocate for a 'Green New Deal' to ensure sustainable and socially equitable growth, alongside greater harmonisation of tax systems to prevent tax avoidance and dangerous competition.

The German Greens propose a Green New Deal to transition Germany toward a low-carbon, resource-efficient economy. The plan rests on three pillars: re-regulating financial markets to end speculation, implementing green industrial policies to promote renewables and efficiency, and ensuring social justice through a 'new social balance' and fair wealth distribution. The authors argue that Germany's industrial success depends on this transformation and that it must be coordinated at the EU level to be effective.

The study examines the tension between combating financial crimes—such as money laundering and terrorist financing—and maintaining the speed, low cost, and accessibility of informal remittance systems like Hawala. It contrasts 'registration' regimes (UK, Sweden) with 'licensing' regimes (Germany, Netherlands, Norway), finding that more lenient registration frameworks generally lead to lower consumer prices and higher market accessibility. The paper also analyzes the impact of the EU Payment Services Directive (PSD) and argues that IVTS are highly integrated with the formal economy, suggesting that a 'light touch' regulatory approach is most effective for bringing these systems into the formal sphere.

The report argues that the EU's voluntary lobby registration system is fundamentally flawed, allowing major corporations to under-report or entirely omit their lobbying activities. By comparing EU register data with the mandatory US system and European Parliament access records, the study finds that 40% of the top 50 EU companies are absent from the register, and many that are registered declare unfeasibly low budgets that do not align with their corporate size or their higher spending in the USA.

Michelle Chan of Friends of the Earth testified that traditional cap-and-trade systems are prone to speculative bubbles and regulatory gaps, drawing parallels to the 2008 financial crisis. She warns that carbon offset credits and complex derivatives could lead to 'subprime carbon' risks where securities are based on non-existent or failing emission reductions. To avoid these risks, she advocates for the McDermott bill, which excludes carbon offsets and implements a stable carbon price to prevent boom-bust cycles.

The research paper advises South Africa to support the institutionalization of the G20 while focusing on four medium-term priorities: global growth, regulatory reform and IMF reconfiguration, Asian currency management, and the Doha Round of WTO negotiations. It suggests a cautious approach to fiscal expansion due to inflation and current account deficits, and emphasizes the need to protect and increase African representation within the IMF to avoid a diminished voice in global financial governance.

The document examines Zambia's anti-money laundering efforts from 2004 to 2006, focusing on the Prohibition and Prevention of Money Laundering Act 2001 (PPMLA). It identifies a significant gap between legislation and implementation, noting that while the Bank of Zambia has issued directives and conducted inspections, other supervisory authorities like the Securities and Exchange Commission and the Pensions and Insurance Authority have not. The paper highlights the Anti-Money Laundering Investigations Unit's (AMLIU) role in prosecution and the impact of political will on corruption and money laundering cases. It also discusses the shift of money laundering activities from the banking sector to non-bank financial institutions and designated non-financial businesses and professions, such as real estate, lawyers, and accountants.

The document examines the application of global anti-money laundering and combating the financing of terrorism (AML/CFT) regimes in Southern Africa. It argues that 'one-size-fits-all' international standards, designed for developed formal banking systems, are often inappropriate for the region's cash-based economies and can hinder financial inclusion. The author finds that evidence of actual terrorist financing in Southern Africa is scanty, suggesting that development should take priority over the costly implementation of these complex measures.